Holy Land Foundation found not guilty of
financing terrorism
Muslim charity leaders on trial for allegedly
aiding terrorists
http://www.freedomtogive.com/home
Holy Land Foundation found not guilty of
financing terrorism
http://www.dallasnews.com/sharedcontent/dws/dn/latestnews/stories/102207dnmetholyland.1878fd716.html
The jury in the Holy Land
Foundation terrorism-financing trial was unable to reach unanimous decisions on
three of the six defendants, U.S. District Judge Joe Fish said Monday as he
unsealed their verdicts.
On two others, they were able to
reach unanimous decisions on some of the counts. And on only one defendant were
they able to reach unanimous decisions on all counts.
The judge is now beginning to
announce the jury's verdict on each defendant. In all, the jury must make 197
decisions on guilt or innocence this morning.
The five defendants have had an
unexpected four-day wait to learn their fate after the verdict was sealed on
Thursday because the judge was out of town. This delay came after 19 days of
deliberations and a two-month trial.
None of the defendants are
accused of committing or directly sponsoring any violent acts. The government
contends that they sent more than $12 million to Palestinian charity committees
that they knew to be controlled by
Hamas, which has targeted Israeli civilians for more than a decade.
The indictment alleges that the
Holy Land foundation sponsored fundraising events in which speakers performed
skits and songs that advocated the destruction of
Israel and glorified the killing of Jewish people. According to
prosecutors, it targeted families of "martyrs" for financial aid.
Defense attorneys say their
clients ran a legitimate charity and had no terrorist ties.
The most serious charge carries a
penalty of up to 20 years in prison.
It is unclear if the government
will retry the defendants on those charges where there was no unanimous verdict.
The Holy Land Foundation had been the largest Muslim charity in the U.S.
until it was shut down by
President Bush. The case was the biggest terror finance trial in U.S.
history.
Defense attorneys and Holy Land
supporters have long called the case a politically-driven prosecution prompted
by pressure from the Israeli government and shot through with post 9/11
anti-Muslim bias.
A common and sustained criticism
of the U.S. government’s 14-year investigation of Holy Land and other foreign
charities thought to be supporting overseas terrorism is that the investigations
are politically motivated and driven by post-9/11 racial prejudice against
Arabs.
Failure to secure convictions on
the some charges comes on the heels of two high-stakes losses in two other
similar terrorism financing cases.
Earlier this year, an
Illinois jury acquitted a Chicago-area businessman on charges that he and
a co-defendant aided Palestinian terrorists. Two years earlier, a Florida
professor also was found not guilty on similar terrorism-support charges, and
the jury deadlocked on several other charges.
The government, however, has
gotten guilty verdicts on terrorism support charges, particularly in
New York and Virginia . But none of those cases were against an entity
the size of Holy Land .
Between 1992, the year Holy Land
relocated from California to Richardson , and when Bush administration
regulators shut it down in December 2001, Holy Land took in about $57 million.
Mistrial for most
defendants in Muslim charity trial
http://www.dallasnews.com/sharedcontent/APStories/stories/D8SEFSUO0.html
10/22/2007
By DAVID KOENIG / Associated
Press
A judge declared a
mistrial Monday for former leaders of a Muslim charity
accused of funding terrorism after jurors who spent 19
days deliberating deadlocked on most charges.
Prosecutors said they
would probably retry leaders of the Holy Land Foundation
for Relief and Development, which the federal government
shut down in December 2001.
The jury found one former
Holy Land leader, Mohammed El-Mezain, not guilty on 31 of
32 counts. Two other defendants were initially acquitted
on most or all charges, but in a confusing courtroom
scene, three jurors disputed the verdict.
The judge declared a
mistrial against those men and two other former foundation
leaders for whom jurors never reached any decisions.
Outside the courthouse, jubilant family members and
supporters hoisted defendant and Holy Land chief executive
Shukri Abu Baker on their shoulders and cried, "God is
great!"
The mistrial came after
two months of testimony in the biggest terror-financing
trial since Sept. 11. President Bush personally announced
the seizure of Holy Land's assets in December 2001,
calling the action "another step in the war on terrorism."
FBI agents and Israeli
officials testified that Holy Land funneled millions to
the Palestinian militant group Hamas, which has carried
out suicide bombings in Israel. The U.S. government
designated Hamas a terrorist group in 1995, making
financial transactions with it illegal.
Lawyers for Holy Land said
the Texas-based group was a legitimate charity that helped
Muslim children and families left homeless or poor by the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
A juror told The
Associated Press that the panel found little evidence
against three of the defendants and was evenly split on
charges against Baker and former Holy Land chairman
Ghassan Elashi, who were seen as the principal leaders of
the charity.
"I
thought they were not guilty across the board," said the
juror, William Neal, a 33-year-old art director from
Dallas. The case "was strung together with macaroni
noodles. There was so little evidence."
Neal
said the jury was split about 6-6 on counts against Baker
and Elashi. He said the government should not retry the
case — a call picked up by Holy Land's supporters.
But lead prosecutor James
Jacks said in court that he expected the government to try
the case again.
Jacks, however, was not
able to explain his decision to reporters. District Court
Judge A. Joe Fish extended a gag order he placed on
lawyers in the case, citing the possibility of prejudicing
a new trial.
Jurors heard two months of
testimony, mostly from FBI and
Israeli agents who described thousands of pages of
documents and hours of videotapes seized from Holy Land,
from former associates of the group, and from Palestinian
charities that got money from Holy Land.
The prosecution's key
witness was lawyer for the Israeli domestic security
agency Shin Bet, who testified under a false name. He said
Palestinian charities that got Holy Land money were
controlled by Hamas.
Prosecutors hoped the
Israeli agent's testimony would complete a loop that
started with Holy Land bank records, and show that the
group secretly funneled millions to Hamas.
"A lot rested on how
believable the jury found him and how concerned they were
of not really knowing who he was," said Jeffrey Kahn, a
constitutional law professor at Southern Methodist
University and former civil lawyer for the Justice
Department.
Neal, the juror, said he found the Shin Bet officer's
testimony unconvincing — that he would expect an Israeli
official to condemn an ally of Palestinians.
Holy Land was founded in
California in the late 1980s and moved to the Dallas area
in 1992. FBI surveillance of the group's leaders goes back
at least to 1993, when agents eavesdropped on a
Philadelphia meeting in which participants talked of
supporting Hamas' goal of derailing a peace agreement
between Israel and Palestinians.
The case stirred emotions
in the American Muslim community, at least partly because
prosecutors named dozens of Muslim groups as unindicted
co-conspirators.
The Holy Land case
followed terror-financing trials in Chicago and Florida
that also ended without convictions on the major counts.
The government "failed in
Chicago, it failed in Florida, it failed in Texas," said
Nihad Awad, executive director of the Council on
American-Islamic Relations — one of those unindicted
co-conspirators. "The reason it failed is the government
does not have the facts; it has fear."
Besides Baker, Elashi and
El-Mezain, the other defendants were fundraiser Mufid
Abdulqader and Abdulrahman Odeh, the group's New Jersey
representative, and Holy Land itself.
The men faced life in
prison if convicted on the most serious charges and if
their actions led to deaths, according to a spokeswoman
for the U.S. Attorney's office.
Don’t Forget to join the
Verdict Rapid Response Team!
See below for details.
PROSECUTION
(GOVERNMENT) CLOSING SUMMARY:
See below
for the defense ( Holy Land Foundation) Closing Summary.
.
-
HAMAS (aka the Islamic Resistance Movement) was
founded in 1987 by Sheikh Ahmed Yassin as an outgrowth of the Muslim
Brotherhood (MB) in Palestine .
-
HAMAS' charter states that the purpose of HAMAS
is to create an Islamic Palestinian state throughout Israel by eliminating the
State of Israel through violent jihad (via Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades).
-
Article 21 of the HAMAS charter calls for social
welfare in order to provide aid to everyone who is in need of it, be it
material or spiritual or collective cooperation to complete some works. HAMAS
is to take part in people’s happiness and grief and work to strengthen their
cooperation, deepen their love, and sustain their resistance to the enemy (
Israel ).
-
The government argued that their expert witness,
Mathew Levitt, described the organizational structure of HAMAS as three units.
He said HAMAS has a political bureau wing, a military wing, and a social wing.
He argued the three wings of HAMAS as a pyramid divided into three sections.
The top section of the pyramid he called the political wing, the middle
section he called the military wing, and the base (and largest) wing of HAMAS
was the social wing.
-
Mr. Levitt testified that although these three
components have separate responsibilities, the organization operates
seamlessly, with each component working to achieve the overall objectives of
HAMAS.
-
HAMAS, said Levitt, supports religious and
academic institutions that facilitate the teachings of HAMAS and introduce its
fundamentalist ideology at the earliest stages of spiritual and educational
development. This social engineering is critical to winning the hearts and
minds of the Palestinian people and to creating a military and operational
recruitment pool for HAMAS. Additionally, HAMAS rewards past terrorist acts,
and provides incentive for future acts. They financially subsidize family
members of HAMAS operatives who are killed, injured or imprisoned, and ensure
that the families are revered in the community.
-
On January 25, 1995, HAMAS was designated as a
Specially Designated Terrorist by the President in the Annex to Executive
Order 12947.
-
On August 29, 1995, former HAMAS Political
Bureau Chief and current Deputy Chief Mousa Abu Marzook was designated as a
Specially Designated Terrorist.
-
On August 22, 2003, current HAMAS Political
Bureau Chief Khalid Mishal was designated as a Specially Designated Global
Terrorist.
-
The defendant Mohammad El-Mezain was the
original Chairman of the Board of HLF until in or about 1999, when he became
Director of Endowments for the HLF. The defendant Mohammad El-Mezain is a
cousin of HAMAS Deputy Political Chief and Specially Designated Terrorist
Mousa Abu Marzook.
-
The defendant Ghassan Elashi was the original
Treasurer and became the Chairman of the Board of the HLF in 1999. The
defendant Ghassan Elashi is related by marriage to HAMAS Deputy Political
Bureau Chief and Specially Designated Terrorist Mousa Abu Marzook.
-
The defendant Mufid Abdulqader was a top
fundraiser for the HLF. The defendant Mufid Abdulqader is the half-brother of
HAMAS Political Bureau Chief and Specially Designated Global Terrorist Khalid
Mishal.
-
Shortly after the beginning of the Intifada, in
1988-89, the MB begins to open Palestinian Committees (PC) all over the world,
including the USA , to serve the Palestinian cause and the Movement. The
Palestinian Movement is assumed to be HAMAS.
-
Through a search warrant, the U.S. government
finds several documents at the home of Ismail Elbarrasse (member of the PC in
the USA ) that describes the PC as the oversight committee for three other
organizations. The Islamic Association of Palestine (IAP), the Occupied Land
Fund (OLF) later to be known as the Holy Land Foundation (HLF), and the United
Association for Studies & Research (UASR).
-
These documents suggest that the IAP handles the
education, publications and media front. HLF handles the fundraising
department. UASR is a think tank for the strategic planning department. All
three organizations report to the PC, which is the oversight committee.
-
Therefore, the government argued, the PC was a
HAMAS committee from its inception. And that the IAP, OLF, HLF, & UASR were
specialized organizations formed from their inception as HAMAS committees. And
that the entire apparatus is a HAMAS organization operating in the USA .
-
The chairman or president of the PC in the USA
was Mousa Abu Marzook in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s.
-
Other documents found at Ismail Elbarrasse’s
home: A copy of the HAMAS charter that was reprinted and distributed by the
IAP. A history of the MB complete with the MB charter. PC charter and by-laws.
One hand-written, undated, unsigned document titled “The Occupied Land Fund
Report”.
-
Another document found at Mr. Elbarrasse’s home
became a center piece to the government’s case. This document was a letter
dated July 14, 1991 addressed to one of the defendants discussing Zakat
committees and the endorsed charitable organizations whose services reach a
large segment of the children of Palestine .
-
This document discusses about 20 charities in
Palestine , including the ones listed in the HLF indictment, with comments
about what percentage of the charity is “ours”. Some are listed as “all of it
is ours”. Some are listed as “guaranteed ours”. Some are listed as “we have
nobody in it”. Some are listed as “we have one or two in it” etc….
-
The government demonstrates several financial
transactions between, the PC and HLF, and the IAP and HLF, in the late 80’s
and early 90’s. They show $210,000 being donated by Mr. Marzook to the HLF.
-
The government shows HLF providing assistance to
the Islamic Center of Gaza which was established by HAMAS spiritual leader and
founder Sheik Ahmed Yassin.
-
The government demonstrates that members of the
PC, IAP, HLF and UASR attended Palestinian conventions, seminars and rallies
together in the late 80’s and early 90’s.
-
At these festivals many songs, plays, and skits
praised HAMAS and vilified Israeli Zionists. Mousa Abu Marzook, Jamil Hammami
(later to become a HAMAS spokesperson), and Mahmoud Zahar (current HAMAS
leader as of 2006) all attended at least one of these festivals as shown on a
video tape in the late 1980’s.
-
The government demonstrated that officers of the
PC, IAP, HLF, and UASR had each others phone numbers. And that they sent
faxes, letters, news articles and reports to each other. They shared phone
calls, sought each others advice and shared information together. The
government summarized this as an incestual relationship.
-
In 1992, when Israel deported over 400
Palestinian activists and leaders to Lebanon , HLF offered their support. HLF
sent blankets and other necessities to them.
-
HLF possessed a video of the detainees living
conditions while in Lebanon . On the video, some of these activists and
leaders identified themselves as members of HAMAS.
-
The government argued that some of the
identified HAMAS members in the 1992 deportation video were later identified
to be board members on some of zakat committees that HLF sent money to.
Additionally, deceased HAMAS leader Sheik Abdel Rantisi was one of the
deportees whose family received financial assistance from the HLF.
-
In October 1993, in response to a United
States-sponsored Middle East peace initiative between the Israeli Government
and the Palestinian Liberation Organization, known as the Oslo Accords, and
other significant events, the principals of the PC, IAP and HLF called for a
meeting in Philadelphia , PA (in which HLF paid for most of the travel
expenses).
-
The purpose of the meeting was to determine
their course of action in opposition to the Oslo Accords or the so-called
peace plan and how to derail the process. They also discussed how to conceal
their activities from the scrutiny of the United States government. They
discussed helping the Islamists and our Brothers in Palestine . They used a
code word “SAMAH” instead of HAMAS in many conversations. They discussed the
zakat committees that HLF was sending money to in terms of being “ours” or
“guaranteed ours.”
-
An unidentified Israeli security officer, who
testified under the alias name of Mr. Avi as an expert witness for the
government, identified all of the zakat committees listed in the HLF
indictment as HAMAS-controlled committees.
-
Mr. Avi testified that he was an expert on HAMAS
and that he was certain that each and every one of the Zakat committees in the
HLF trial were influenced and under the control of HAMAS. He said it was a
fact and was well-known public knowledge.
-
During his testimony, Mr. Avi identified several
individuals at each zakat committee as being members, leaders, or activists of
HAMAS. And that the individuals he identified as HAMAS at each zakat committee
were the dominant figures, or controlling figures, for that committee.
-
Mr. Avi testified that Khalid Mishal gave an
interview to the media in 2003 naming many of the same individuals as HAMAS
members. Mr. Mishal said in the interview that HAMAS asked supporters to do
jihad with their sons and their money. He said to give your money to someone
you trust and HAMAS will get the money. He asked supporters to focus on
martyrs, prisoners, and orphans.
-
The government argued that when HLF arranged
conventions, seminars and rallies, radical Islamic sheiks and HAMAS officials,
members and/or activists were flown to the United States from overseas to
energize the audience and enhance fundraising. HLF paid for the travel of
several of the sheiks and HAMAS members, including current HAMAS leader
Mahmoud Zahar and former HAMAS spokesperson Jamil Hammami.
-
The government highlighted the fact that HLF
gave over 1.5 million dollars to the Islamic Relief Committee in Palestine
from 1988 till 1996. Then they demonstrated that this relief committee is now
considered by most to be a HAMAS controlled committee. Even Mr. Abington (the
defenses witness) agreed that this committee is thought to be controlled by
HAMAS. (Note: This
committee is NOT listed in the HLF indictment, and the donations are not part
of the indictment-listed dates of 1997 until 2001.
In fact, NONE of the details mentioned in the
government’s closing arguments occurred during the required dates.).
-
Starting in 2002
and continuing until 2006, Israeli
Defense Forces (IDF) periodically raided the Zakat committees listed in the
HLF case. During these raids, the IDF secured many posters and calendars of
HAMAS leaders and suicide bombers. They secured key chains with pictures of
HAMAS leaders and suicide bombers. They secured video tapes of children
performing plays celebrating HAMAS and HAMAS leaders.
-
The government claimed inaccurate or misleading
statements were made by the defendants in depositions, media interviews, and
phone conversations, and that these statements were an attempt to hide their
true intentions to support HAMAS.
-
The government argued that HLF possessed a
security document instructing them on how to run a covert organization in
hostile environments. And that HLF hired a security company to check for
‘bugs’ in the HLF office. The government asked the jurors “is this what you
would expect to find at a charity?”
-
The government argued that HLF sponsored orphans
and needy families in the West Bank and Gaza . According to the prosecution,
while the program was mantled with a benevolent appearance, HLF specifically
sought orphans and families whose relatives had died or were jailed as a
result of their involvement with HAMAS, including suicide bombers (seventeen
orphans allegedly fitting this description were listed in the HLF indictment).
This support was critical to HAMAS' efforts to win the hearts and minds of the
Palestinian people, they said, and to create an infrastructure solidifying
HAMAS' presence.
-
Two of the orphans sponsored by HLF were the
sons of Yahia Ayyash (aka the Engineer of the suicide belt used in suicide
bombings) after his assassination by Israeli Security Forces in 1996.
-
In closing, they summarized the process of HAMAS’
social wing as having effective influence from the cradle to the grave. Do not
let the defendants deceive you, they said. You must consider only the evidence
we have provided and use your common sense, said the prosecution.
To sign up for the Verdict
Rapid Response team, please email
h4jusa@gmail.com with your name and the most reliable number to reach you
at. This list WILL NOT be shared with any third party AT ALL.
DEFENSE (HOLY LAND
FOUNDATION) CLOSING SUMMARY:
See below
for details on how to join the Verdict Rapid Response Team.
-
The HLF case is about a real charity providing
real aid to needy families. And the defendants are proud of their work and the
relief they provided.
-
HLF provided relief based on “need” not “creed”
and they never looked at political affiliations when deciding whom to help.
They certified the need and provided the aid.
-
The defense showed that over 145,000
Palestinians are in need of humanitarian aid. HLF was one of only four other
organizations who were providing this absolutely critical aid to roughly 25%
of the Palestinian population. And, that after HLF was shut down in 2001, a
large void was created and many Palestinians have suffered.
-
The defense argued that the Israeli Occupation
of Palestine is a brutal one and that Israel is not living up to the 4th
Geneva Convention in providing the necessary aid to lands that it occupies in
Palestine .
-
They demonstrated that Israel does not provide
even the least minimum of services and many of the families live in abject
poverty due to the absence of a dependable provider.
-
They demonstrated collective punishment
policies, which are practiced in a barbaric and savage manner through home
demolitions, home bombing or closure of parts of them, dismissal from work or
prevention from leaving a village or a camp, then the cases of tree-cutting,
forfeiture of land or prevention from travel, all of which represents a heavy
burden, not to mention the detention of thousands of men and youths, along
with thousands of victims and wounded who are in need of food, medicine or
health and social care.
-
The defense showed the number of illegal Israeli
settlements currently in the West Bank . They argued that Israel builds
illegal settlements on the best water reserves.
-
The illegal settlements in the West Bank caused
many roads and highways to be built north, south, east and west which severely
restrict Palestinian movement and daily life. This affects all Palestinians
and their economy, as they are banned from using the Israeli-built roads.
-
The West Bank and Gaza had over 475 Israeli
military check points it uses to control the Palestinians.
-
The defense argued that Israel demolished
Palestinian homes without warning or compensation to the Palestinian families
living in them, leaving Palestinians homeless refugees in their own land.
-
The defense argued that HLF had nothing to hide.
HLF was a transparent open book charity for all to see. HLF kept detailed
records of every transaction on every project they funded. All financial
transactions were recorded and detailed reports kept for every penny.
Receipts, documents, pictures, and videos were kept on each project. HLF kept
all employees’ weekly reports and documented all employee quarterly meetings.
From receiving donations to delivering the humanitarian aid, HLF recorded,
reported, and documented everything. HLF followed the law at all times.
-
HLF did not try to hide Mousa Abu Marzook’s
donations to them in the late 80’s and early 90’s. They reported the donation
to the IRS and kept all receipts and records. Mr. Marzook was a US Citizen.
Mr. Marzook was not designated as a terrorist at that time. There was
absolutely nothing illegal about the transaction.
-
In 1997-98, HLF even hired a prominent lawyer
and 14-year elected official of the U.S. House of Representatives, John
Bryant, to seek advice from the US-based Israeli Consulate, the US State
Department, and the FBI on matters that were confusing to them. They wanted
any advice or guidance on how they were operating, and to whom they could give
money and to whom they could not. They always have and always intended to
follow the law. They wanted to know if the government had any concerns
regarding their organization.
-
However, none of these government agencies gave
HLF and/or their attorney any advice regarding any of their questions. Mr.
Bryant also attempted to schedule a meeting with the then-U.S. Attorney
General Janet Reno and then-U.S. Secretary of State Madeline Albright, but was
unsuccessful, as they never responded to his request for a meeting.
-
The defense argued that HLF was a stand alone
organization that did not report to the PC or for that matter to any other
organization. HLF made all of its decisions independently and without
oversight.
-
The defense argued that the evidence that the
government is relying on (from Ismail Elbarrasse’s home) are documents seized
from outside of HLF and its employees and that these documents were unsigned
(some hand-written), undated, without providence and completely unreliable.
There was no evidence that anyone at HLF every saw these documents. There was
no evidence that anyone at HLF ever used these documents, followed their
contents, or acted upon them in any manner.
-
The defense argued that the defendants supported
Islamists and the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) but not HAMAS. They demonstrated
that not all Islamist are HAMAS. The word Islamist is a very broad term.
Islamists are devout, pious Muslims, according to defense witness Mr. Edward
Abington.
-
They demonstrated that not all members of the MB
are HAMAS. The government’s attempt to say otherwise is a selective
interpretation, ignoring the greater context and meanings of these words.
-
The defense highlighted the fact that the letter
addressed to the defendants discussing each Zakat committee and what
percentage is “ours” was hand-written, unsigned, and could not be shown to
have ever been seen or read by the defendants. And, that this document does
not refer to HAMAS anywhere in it. “Ours” could mean Islamists or MB or many
other things.
-
The defense argued that the defendants wanted to
help the Palestinian people, to alleviate their suffering and to make a
difference in their lives. Never did HLF give credit to HAMAS, work with HAMAS,
or try to benefit HAMAS.
-
All the conversations, meetings, transactions,
phone calls, phone numbers, conventions, seminars, plays, skits and rallies
were all 100% legal protected 1st Amendment Rights. Freedom of
speech. Freedom of religion. Freedom of assembly. And absolutely nothing was
illegal about any of them. All events were held in an open public forum.
-
HLF sponsored thousands of orphans. All of them
received approximately $25 to $75 per month. Every orphan of martyrs and
prisoners received the exact same monthly sponsorship as all of the others.
HLF showed neither preference to which orphans they sponsored nor any bias.
HLF provided aid to needy orphans regardless of who the parents were or what
they did or did not do. They established the need. They provided the aid.
Equally.
-
HLF provided humanitarian aid all over the
world. They gave to the needy in Kosovo , Egypt , Turkey , Pakistan , India ,
Jordan , Lebanon , and the USA . They delivered tons of flour, bread, rice,
oil and salt. They delivered medical and educational supplies.
-
The defense established that the United States
of America provided aid through USAID to the same Zakat committees listed in
the HLF indictment during the same time period of the indictment 1997 thru
2001.
-
The defense demonstrated that, according to
congressional record, several of the Zakat committees have been suspected of
being HAMAS committees over the years but have been vetted (exonerated) by
U.S. investigations in the past.
-
According to congressional record, USAID said
that it uses the Department of Treasury’s list of designated organizations
when determining whether or not to provide aid to them.
-
The defense established that the United Nations,
CARE, and many other international organizations provided humanitarian aid to
the same Zakat committees during the same time period.
-
From 1995, when
the U.S. Treasury Department 1st issued a list of Specially
Designated Terrorists, until 2007, not one of the Zakat committees listed in
the HLF indictment has ever been designated.
-
The defense established the fact that the
Palestinian National Authorities (PA) are controlled politically by the FATAH
party. And that the FATAH party is at war with HAMAS party in Palestine . The
two parties are bitter enemies who hate each other.
-
All Zakat committees operating on the West Bank
and Gaza must be licensed by the PA every two years. All Zakat committees are
quasi-government entities. The PA appoints BoD members to the Zakat
committees. The PA can open, close, inspect, and control the Zakat committees
whenever they wish.
-
All Zakat committees listed in the HLF
indictment have current licenses from the Palestinian National Authorities
(PA). All Zakat committees listed in the HLF indictment are still open and
operating business as usual until today.
-
According to the defenses expert witness on
Palestinian civil societies, Dr. Brown, all Zakat committees listed in the HLF
indictment are known by Palestinians as neutral regarding politics and
agendas. They are non-partisan. They are efficient. They are trusted. They
only help facilitate getting Muslims Zakat to the needy families.
-
Dr. Brown testified that HAMAS never received
any credit from anyone or any media or any organization for any of the work
performed by the Zakat committees. The defense argued that it would be
impossible to “win the hearts and minds” of the Palestinians without ever
getting credit for the work.
-
The defense argued that the government did not
bring ONE witness to testify that HAMAS received credit for any Zakat
committees work.
-
Dr. Brown testified that in a deeply divided
society, the Zakat committees must give aid blindly, regardless of politics to
all needy Palestinians. Being associated or controlled by any political party
would damage their effectiveness and ability to serve the entire community.
-
The defense also demonstrated that Israel,
Jordan and Egypt have been the controlling authorities over these same Zakat
committees at different times, from the 1970’s until today, and that they
always issued and renewed these Zakat committees licenses to operate in
Palestine. They were never closed or accused of being HAMAS-controlled
organizations.
-
Israeli official documents even contradicted the
government’s expert witness, Mr. Avi, when he testified that one of the Zakat
committees was determined by Israel to be a HAMAS controlled organization in
1991. Without a doubt, he said. However, in 1993, when Israel was the
controlling authority over this Zakat committee, it actually approved the
expansion of the hospital which at that time was their largest and most
aggressive project to date.
-
According to the defenses expert witness, Mr.
Edward Abington, a former U.S. Consul General in Jerusalem from 1993 till 1997
and then the 2nd highest ranking intelligence official in the U.S.
State Department from 1997 till 1999, NONE of the Zakat committees listed in
the HLF indictment were ever considered under the control of HAMAS or
operating on behalf of HAMAS.
-
Mr. Abington testified that he was under direct
orders from the US State Department and the President of the United States NOT
to meet with or establish any relationship or dialogue with HAMAS or HAMAS
representatives during his tenure as Consul General in Jerusalem .
-
Mr. Abington testified that he met DAILY with
the CIA and US State Department intelligence agencies (who had daily access to
Israeli intelligence) and that they never mentioned any of the Zakat
committees as being part of or controlled by HAMAS.
-
Mr. Abington testified that he personally
visited each and every one of the Zakat committees listed in the HLF
indictment, and that he had no reason to suspect that they were operating on
behalf of HAMAS.
-
Mr. Abington testified that the United States
does not always rely on Israeli intelligence, because they have found Israeli
intelligence to be misleading, political and sometimes agenda-driven.
-
The defense argued that out of the 20 or 30
speakers alleged by the government to have HAMAS ties, only three of them have
ever been identified as Specially Designated Terrorists by the United States
Treasury Department, and that was after the fact. Also, Mr. Jamil Hammami, a
former HAMAS activist, was also sponsored by the U.S. government for a U.S.
speaking tour.
-
The three that are identified, Mr. Marzook, Mr.
Zahar, and Mr. Hammami, were never used, contacted or relied upon after the
designation.
-
The defense also discussed that the level of
proof necessary to get any individual or any organization listed on the Dept
of Treasury’s Specially Designated Terrorist List is extremely low.
-
All that is required is to show “just cause”
which is the lowest bar or burden of proof required in our judicial system.
-
However, what the jury is being asked to do in
this trial is to find all of the Zakat committees to be controlled by HAMAS
“beyond a reasonable doubt,” which is the highest bar or burden of proof
required in our judicial system.
-
The defense asks the jury to find the defendants
NOT guilty on each and every count in the HLF indictment.
What will happen –
Verdict Rapid Response Team:
The
jury
will tell the judge
that they have reached a verdict.
The
judge
will call the lawyers
to arrive at the court as quickly as possible. The
lawyers
will notify the Hungry
for Justice coalition.
A few
Head Callers
will be selected to call and text everyone on the
Verdict Rapid Response Team.
Those that can will head to the
court house for the
announcement of the verdict
and a
press conference
that will follow.
The coalition will
send out final comments addressing the verdict as soon as possible. Keep close
watch for the updates to follow.
To sign up for the team, please
email
h4jusa@gmail.com with your name and the most reliable number to reach you
at. This list WILL NOT be shared with any third party AT ALL.
Basic Court
Information:
WHEN:
Morning session:
8:30 a.m. to 12 noon
Vigil: Noon to 1
p.m. (across the street)
Afternoon session:
1 p.m. to 5 p.m.
WHERE:
Earle Cabell Federal Building ,
1100 Commerce St. in Downtown Dallas
Honorable A. Joe Fish, Courtroom # 15 D 6 L, 15th
Floor
16th Floor: Overflow Room by telecast
Remember!!!
People of ALL AGES need to have a
PHOTO ID
with them. Also, be prepared to leave your cell
phone with security OUTSIDE the
courtroom.
Parking
lot
across the street costs
$8 all day.
Meters
are available around the block, and you may be able to park at the
McDonald’s
across the street if you are staying for a short time.
To sign up for the team, please
email
h4jusa@gmail.com with your name and the most reliable number to reach you
at. This list WILL NOT be shared with any third party AT ALL.
Videos – Pass them
around!!!
Standing in Solidarity: A Snapshot of the daily vigil,
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zaMXfBM-itk
Faces of the Holy Land Foundation Trial: Spend time with the families of the
defendants,
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-yA43MS4Tg4
A Daughter’s Perspective: Noor’s thoughts,
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O4Sq7ZBbDGo
The Holy Land Foundation Trial: Interviews with lawyers and national
figures,
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j8E7Pv6SkXg
Holy Land Foundation Poem: Audio of Shukri’s touching poem, in English,
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8u-vazWzaV8
Blogs and Website:
Here’s the websites that are sponsoring
the campaign to support the HLF defendants:
http://www.freedomtogive.com
http://www.h4jusa.com
And
don’t forget to check out the blogs,
which have almost daily updates on the trial:
The Enemy Shall Not Outwit Him
Dallas Dreamer
Council on
American-Islamic Relations Dallas-Fort Worth Chapter
12200 Ford Road, Suite 118
Dallas, TX 75234
Ph: 972-241-7233 Fax:
972-241-7466
Email:
info@cairdfw.org Web:
www.cairdfw.org
By DAVID KOENIG Associated Press Writer
© 2007 The Associated Press
DALLAS — One of the most prominent anti-terror prosecutions of the past
decade opened Monday as government lawyers and those representing leaders of a
Muslim charity began quizzing potential jurors.
The men on trial in federal district court aren't accused of being
terrorists. Rather, they are charged with funneling millions of dollars to the
militant group Hamas, which allegedly used some of the money to support the
families of suicide bombers in the Middle East.
Although the FBI investigated the men and the charity in the 1990s, the
Bush administration raised the profile of the case since Sept. 11. President
Bush announced the seizure of the charity's assets in a Rose Garden news
conference three months later, in December 2001.
Defense lawyers say the men and the charity, the Holy Land Foundation for
Relief and Development, helped build hospitals and schools for Palestinians
living under Israeli occupation but are not connected to Hamas.
The defendants and their supporters claim the prosecution is based on anti-Arab
bias.
The trial before District Judge A. Joe Fish is expected to last several
months. Prosecutors and defense lawyers are expected to lay out the case in
opening statements next Monday.
Just picking a jury is expected to take all this week. Lead prosecutor
James T. Jacks asked Fish to drop a family counselor after she hedged about
following the judge's instructions on the law. The judge said he would rule
later.
The defendants, all dressed in business suits, sat at tables arranged in a
U-formation. Before the session started, they exchanged smiles and glanced
occasionally at family members in the back row of the small courtroom.
The defendants named in a 42-count indictment in 2004 are Holy Land, which
federal authorities raided and shut down in December 2001; Shukri Abu Baker,
the charity's president; Ghassan Elashi, its chairman; Abdulrahman Odeh;
Mohammad El-Mezain; and Mufid Abdulqader. Two other men named in the
indictment remain fugitives.
The charges include supporting a foreign terrorist group, money laundering,
conspiracy and filing false tax returns.
According to the indictment, Holy Land raised more than $57 million from
1992 to 2001 and sent about $36 million to individuals and groups tied to
Hamas, including $12.4 million after President Clinton designated Hamas a
terrorist group in 1995, which made contact with the group illegal.
Elashi is in federal prison near Dallas on other convictions, including
financial dealings with a top Hamas official. Baker, Odeh, El-Mezain and
Abdulqader have been free while preparing for the trial, according to a
prosecution spokeswoman.
In a court filing in May that spelled out much of their case, prosecutors
said Holy Land was sometimes called "The Fund" and was "an integral part of
the Hamas social infrastructure." They said the organization was created "to
support the Hamas agenda," which includes suicide bombings and other terrorist
attacks.
Prosecutors said documents seized in 2004 from the Virginia home of an
unindicted co-conspirator showed that Elashi, Baker and El-Mezain were part of
a committee coordinating support for Hamas in the United States. Prosecutors
said the FBI monitored the committee's actions, including meetings to discuss
raising money for Hamas.
The investigation into Holy Land lasted more than a decade and included
surveillance and wiretaps. Prosecution witnesses expected to testify include a
retired Israeli Army colonel, a former Treasury Department official and expert
on terrorism financing, and an unnamed person to discuss the structure of
Hamas.
Prosecutors indicated their evidence will include U.S. and foreign bank
records, intercepted phone calls and faxes, and records seized by Israeli
forces during military operations in the occupied West Bank.
Defense attorneys said they will argue that most of the case against their
clients is hearsay and flawed. They seized on summaries of FBI-wiretapped
conversations that claimed Holy Land officials made anti-Semitic slurs. But
the comments weren't found in the unabridged 13-page transcript.
The defense plans to call its own experts, including scholars who have
studied the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Prosecutors charged that defense
lawyers are hoping to influence jurors with inflammatory testimony about
Israel's operations against Palestinians.
The political overtones of the case run deep.
Parvez Ahmed, chairman of the Washington-based Council on American-Islamic
Relations, said the Bush administration was trying to silence Muslim
opposition to Israeli policy and stop aid to Palestinian children by closing
Holy Land.
"It has put a chill on First Amendment rights of Muslims in this country,"
Ahmed said. "It's caused Muslims to question, will donors be criminalized?"
Baker, the former president of the charity, said in 2001 that Holy Land's
critics were racists who considered every Palestinian a potential terrorist, "even
if they happen to be a 4-year-old child whose father decided to blow up
himself."
In December of that year, Bush and then-Attorney General John Ashcroft
announced the seizure of Holy Land's assets.
"Those who do business with terror will do no business with the United
States — or anywhere else the United States can reach," the president declared.
"The net is closing. Today it just got tighter."
_______________________________________________________________________________________________
N. Texas Muslims say
Holy Land case is political
Family speaks of a decade of
searches, interrogations,
arrestshttp://www.dallasnews.com/sharedcontent/dws/news/localnews/stories/071607dnmetholylandsider.3b3be7b.html
12:43 AM CDT on Monday, July
16, 2007
For many North Texas Muslims,
the Holy Land Foundation investigation is a saga fueled by prejudice.
Local Muslim leaders have long decried the government's "witch hunt" of what
they say was a charitable foundation dedicated to helping Palestinian refugees
caught up in the Arab-Israeli conflict.
They say the investigation and the trial of Holy Land and seven of its
organizers is a product of "Islamophobia," which was the focus of a conference
last weekend in Dallas sponsored by the Council on American-Islamic Relations.
"This politically driven indictment will break new ground and potentially
make new law by attempting to criminalize humanitarian aid," said Khalil Meek,
president of the Plano-based Muslim Legal Fund of America, which is helping pay
for the Holy Land defendants' attorneys.
For the family of Ghassan Elashi, the trial is the latest in more than a
decade of troubles with the federal government. Investigations have included
interrogations, searches, arrests and the wiretapping of conversations.
"The trial has taken over my thoughts during the day and my dreams during the
night," said Noor Elashi, daughter of Mr. Elashi and a reporter at the Fort
Worth Star-Telegram.
Prosecutors accuse Mr. Elashi and his co-defendants of using Richardson-based
Holy Land to funnel millions of dollars to the terrorist organization Hamas.
But for the 21-year-old, the case is about her father's name and reputation.
"While I'm driving, while I'm working, while I'm eating, it's all I think
about," she said. "I keep asking myself, 'How can my father and the other co-defendants
be accused of supporting heinous acts of violence when all they did was feed,
clothe and help educate Palestinian orphans and widows?' "
Today's trial is the third involving her family members. In 2004 and 2005,
her father and uncles defended themselves against accusations that they did
business with terrorist nations by shipping computer equipment to Syria and
Libya.
Defense attorneys argued that the government's accusations were overblown
because the men were Muslim and amounted to nothing more than minor export
violations that should have been handled with a fine.
They were also accused of having financial dealings with a high-ranking Hamas
member, Mousa Abu Marzook, who is married to a cousin of the Elashis. The family
says the money was actually an annuity investment in InfoCom by Mr. Marzook's
wife. She used the monthly proceeds to pay living expenses, attorneys for the
brothers said.
The juries returned convictions in both trials.
"It's unimaginable that a man who loves America so much would face such
tribulations in the country he now calls home," Ms. Elashi said.
Ms. Elashi said her father was uprooted from his childhood Palestinian home
in 1967, along with his parents and four brothers. The family settled in the U.S.
about 25 years ago and has called it home since.
"America is the only home that my five siblings and I have ever known – from
my brother who lives and breathes skateboarding, to my teenage sister, whose
favorite show is Gilmore Girls."
The Council on American-Islamic Relations, the nation's largest Muslim
advocacy group, says even it has become a target since it was included on a list
of unindicted co-conspirators filed by the Holy Land prosecutors.
Typically, prosecutors identify a person or a group as an unindicted co-conspirator
so that their statements, or those of people involved in the listed
organizations, about the defendants can be used in court without them being
considered hearsay, which is not permitted in trial.
Mr. Meek, who is active in the local CAIR chapter, said also on the
government's co-conspirator's list is the nation's largest Muslim educational
source, the Islamic Society of North America, and the North American Islamic
Trust, the country's largest holding company of deeds to about 300 mosques,
Islamic centers and schools in the U.S.
"They're implicating mainstream, moderate Muslim voices all over the
country," said Mr. Meek. "This is a politically driven crusade."
In March, a legal flap further fueled criticisms of prejudice by Muslims.
Defense attorneys found that summaries of government wiretap transcripts
detailing Holy Land officials' conversations falsely attributed anti-Jewish
comments to Holy Land Foundation leaders.
"Even Jesus Christ had called the Jews and their high priests ... the sons of
snakes and scorpions" reads one summary quotation, which is not in the
transcript.
"This is beyond incompetence," said Lawrence Davidson, a professor of Middle
Eastern history at West Chester University in Pennsylvania.
"It's not a crime that's motivating this," said Dr. Davidson, who is Jewish.
"They want to prevent the Muslim community from gaining influence."
Justice officials have said they're investigating how the transcript errors
occurred, but they declined to publicly comment about the Holy Land case.
For Ms. Elashi, her family's ordeal is a cautionary tale for all Americans.
"I was raised to cherish such a place that accepts people regardless of their
religion or ethnic origin," she said. "Now we're being persecuted for those two
reasons."
________________________________________________________________________
http://www.dallasnews.com/sharedcontent/dws/dn/opinion/viewpoints/stories/DN-robberson_16edi.ART.State.Edition1.43a1915.html
Non-Muslims should also be consistent in condemning all terrorist acts.
Israel is rightly outraged by Hamas and Islamic Jihad suicide bombings. But
should it not equally condemn as terrorism the Jewish bombing of the King David
Hotel in Jerusalem in 1946, which killed 91 people, or the massacre of civilians
in the Palestinian village of Deir Yassin in 1948?
If terrorism is wrong today, then it has always been wrong. Israel's deceased
prime minister, Menachem Begin, shared the Nobel Peace Prize in 1978, yet he
never renounced the King David and Deir Yassin attacks by his guerrilla group,
Irgun. Britain proclaimed him a wanted terrorist.
As Israelis celebrated the King David attack's 60th anniversary last July,
former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stated, "It's very important to make
the distinction between terror groups and freedom fighters, and between terror
action and legitimate military action." The King David bombing, he made clear,
was justified.
Tod Robberson is an editorial writer for The Dallas Morning News. This
column reflects his personal opinion. E-mail him at
trobberson@dallasnews.com
________________________________________________________________________________________________
Holy Land terror
finance case heading to court
12:43 AM CDT on Monday, July
16, 2007
By JASON TRAHAN / The Dallas
Morning News
jtrahan@dallasnews.com
Three months after 9/11, President Bush shut down Richardson's Holy Land
Foundation, saying millions of dollars it sent to the Middle East helped "indoctrinate
children to grow up into suicide bombers."
Now the Justice Department must prove it.
On Monday, jury selection begins in Dallas in the nation's biggest terror-financing
case yet: The federal government says that seven foundation organizers illegally
sent at least $12 million overseas to the militant Palestinian group Hamas.
The stakes are high for the Bush administration. The Department of Justice
has already failed to get convictions on charges of supporting and financing
terrorism in high-profile trials of men in Florida and Illinois.
Holy Land and the seven men are not accused of providing direct financing for
terrorist acts, but of sending money to an organization that committed terrorist
acts. Hamas, known for sponsoring suicide bombings targeting Israelis, but also
for aiding Palestinian families caught in the bloody Arab-Israeli conflict, was
declared a terrorist organization by the U.S. in 1995.
"Our defense is that our clients never gave any money to Hamas, and that
their charitable projects in Palestine were no different than many other
charitable organizations," said John Boyd, a Holy Land Foundation attorney. "They
did nothing to support terrorism."
Supporters of Holy Land, which was the largest Muslim charity in the U.S.,
say anti-Muslim prejudice and pressure from the Israeli government are behind
the 14-year-old U.S. government effort to criminalize the foundation's work.
Dallas prosecutors, who declined to comment publicly about the trial, already
have a number of notches on their belts in dealing with some of Holy Land's
former associates.
Juries have convicted the foundation's former board chairman, Ghassan Elashi,
and his brothers for doing business with Libya and Syria – deemed state sponsors
of terrorism – through a computer-services firm closely tied to Holy Land.
Mr. Elashi and two of his brothers were also convicted for financial dealings
with Mousa Abu Marzook, a longtime Hamas operative in the U.S. who is now the
deputy of Hamas' political bureau in Syria. He is married to a cousin of the
Elashis.
In this trial, expected to last at least three months, the government's
evidence includes mountains of documents, including reams of bank-transaction
records and at least a decade of secret wiretap evidence detailing conversations
among Holy Land officials and alleged conspirators.
The jury may consider thousands of pages of Israeli government evidence of
the foundation's dealings in the Middle East, and the prosecution is planning to
call at least two Israeli secret agents to the stand.
Dennis Lormel, who created the FBI's Terrorist Financing Operations Section
and was its chief for years, said the case is historic. He said the foundation's
activities did not put Americans at direct risk, but the case is of vital
importance to national security.
"In the global sense, it does affect us because of the deterrent effect
cracking down on this has had on terrorist organizations using charities to
carry out violent acts," he said.
Defendants
On trial Monday, besides Mr. Elashi, are:
• Shukri Abu Baker, former Holy Land CEO.
• Mohammad El-Mezain, the foundation's original chairman who became director
of endowments.
• Mufid Abdulqader, a top fundraiser, a former city of Dallas project
coordinator who oversaw the Bishop Arts District renovaton and half brother of
Khalid Mishal, the Hamas political bureau chief.
• Abdulrahman Odeh, Holy Land's New Jersey representative.
Mr. Elashi is in prison on other charges, and the others remain free prior to
trial.
Two other defendants, Haitham Maghawri, the foundation's former executive
director, and Akram Mishal, former project and grants director and cousin of
Khalid Mishal, left the U.S. and are considered fugitives.
The U.S. government first began investigating Holy Land in 1993 – a year
after it relocated from California to Richardson.
That was the year Israeli agents detained an Illinois man, Muhammad Salah, on
suspicion that he was a Hamas operative. He confessed, telling agents that the
Richardson charity was a key Hamas fundraiser, but then recanted, claiming he
was tortured.
This year he was convicted of lying in a civil suit about his Hamas ties, but
his explanation of how Hamas raised funds in the U.S. was key to federal
investigators, who set to work gaining intelligence on Holy Land.
Prosecutors say some of Holy Land's fundraising gatherings featured radical
Islamic clerics.
"At these events," the Dallas Holy Land indictment states, participants "praised
Hamas through speeches, songs and violent dramatic skits depicting the killing
of Jewish people."
But the government says the foundation's tactics changed around 1993. In
February of that year, Islamic militants made their first attempt to bring down
the World Trade Center in New York.
And Hamas became incensed when, in late summer, Arab and Jewish
representatives forged the historic Middle East agreement in Oslo, Norway,
opening up the possibility of a peace that would allow for separate Jewish and
Palestinian states. That set off what has become hundreds of Hamas suicide
bombings over the years, targeting Israelis.
In October 1993, intelligence agents listened in on a groundbreaking meeting
in Philadelphia between three Holy Land Foundation officials – all three
defendants in this latest Dallas case – and Hamas contacts. The discussion
centered on how to continue to raise money in America without attracting
attention.
"The attendees acknowledged the need to avoid scrutiny by law enforcement
officials in the United States by masquerading their operations under the cloak
of charitable exercise," the indictment states.
In 1995, U.S. authorities detained Mr. Marzook in New York and found
documents on him related to another Richardson business, InfoCom, which was run
by Mr. Elashi and his brothers.
Six years later and six days before 9/11, FBI agents raided InfoCom,
investigating ties to Mr. Marzook and evidence that the company supported
terrorism.
After the Sept. 11 attacks, Holy Land officials publicly decried the "heinous
acts" and said they had limited ties to InfoCom and none to terrorism. But the
two offices were directly across from each other and shared employees, some of
whom were related.
In December 2001, Mr. Bush shuttered the foundation, seizing millions in
assets in multiple states. On July 26, 2004, a Dallas federal grand jury
returned a 42-count indictment against the foundation and the seven former
officers, charging that the millions went to Middle Eastern charity committees
controlled by Hamas.
Holy Land agrees the money went to the Palestinian charities, but not Hamas
and not for terrorism. Federal prosecutors are expected to argue that the money
ended up under the control of Hamas, which was then able to free up other money
for terrorist activities.
To get a conviction, prosecutors must prove to jurors that the defendants
sent the money knowing that it would benefit Hamas.
Mr. Elashi, the 53-year-old former Holy Land Foundation board chairman, is
serving nearly seven years for convictions in 2004 and 2005 related to InfoCom.
Mr. Elashi also was InfoCom's vice president for international marketing.
In the first trial, a jury found that Mr. Elashi and his four brothers
conspired to ship computer equipment to Syria and Libya, which violated U.S.
export bans on commerce with state sponsors of terrorism.
A year later, Mr. Elashi and two of his brothers were convicted of conspiring
with Mr. Marzook to launder at least a quarter-million dollars through InfoCom.
In addition to the federal government's assertion that Holy Land deals with
terrorists, two federal judges presiding over separate civil cases have also
found that the Holy Land Foundation has ties to Hamas.
In 2004, an Israeli-American couple successfully won a $156 million civil
judgment in Chicago against Mr. Salah, Holy Land and two other Muslim
organizations – including the Islamic Association for Palestine formerly based
in Richardson. A judge found them liable for the death of the couple's 17-year-old
son, David Boim, a seminary student, who was shot to death by Hamas gunmen while
waiting for a bus near Jerusalem.
In a separate case, a Washington federal judge in 2002 struck down a
challenge by Holy Land attorneys to the U.S. government's seizing of the
foundation's assets. "There is evidence that HLF raised funds for Hamas, that
Hamas provided financial support to HLF, and that HLF paid for Hamas leaders to
travel to the United States on fund-raising trips," U.S. District Judge Gladys
Kessler wrote.
But a conviction in this latest case is far from guaranteed.
In at least two other similar, high-profile federal trials in Illinois and
Florida of men with long ties to the Holy Land Foundation and some of its
associates, the government failed to convince jurors that terrorists were
getting direct support from U.S. contacts.
In early February, a jury in Chicago acquitted Mr. Salah on charges that he
conspired to aid Hamas and funnel money from inside the U.S. to militants abroad.
Mr. Salah is the man who first tipped authorities to Holy Land's connection
to Hamas, then later denied he was a Hamas operative. Last week, an Illinois
federal judge sentenced him to 21 months in prison for lying in the Boim
wrongful-death case.
In another case, a Florida jury in 2005 acquitted a former University of
South Florida computer engineering professor, Sami Al-Arian, of charges that he
helped coordinate and fund terrorist operations for Palestinian Islamic Jihad
against Israel.
The professor was a vocal advocate of Palestine who also operated an Islamic
charity with ties to the information clearinghouse Islamic Association for
Palestine which shared associates with Holy Land.
After a five-month trial in Tampa, a jury acquitted Dr. Al-Arian on charges
of supporting terrorism and deadlocked after 13 days of grueling deliberations
on other charges.
Dr. Al-Arian agreed to plead guilty to a watered-down charge of providing
support to Palestinian Islamic Jihad in exchange for being deported, but he
remains in U.S. custody on a contempt charge.
Experts say Dallas prosecutors have a better chance of proving their case.
"The government may have more specific information that the defendants
specifically intended to aid the families of suicide bombers," said Peter
Margulies, a law professor at Roger Williams University who studies terrorism
prosecutions.
"In addition, the complaint indicates that the conduct of the defendants
occurred after 1996. This also sets the case apart from Salah and Al-Arian,
which were arguably stale charges dating from the early-mid '90s."
Counting convictions isn't the point, said Mr. Lormel, the former FBI terror-financing
expert.
"Critics can take their shots at the cases that have occurred, but in the end,
the chilling effect that these prosecutions have had on these charities and the
terrorists who want to use them is real," he said.
If prosecutors can convince jurors that death resulted from the defendants'
support of Hamas, they could be sentenced to up to life in prison.
The Holy Land story
January 1989: An organization, later renamed the Holy Land Foundation,
is founded in California by Ghassan Elashi and other Palestinian Muslims to
assist Palestinians affected by the
intifada , a Palestinian uprising
against the Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank.
July 1992: Holy Land moves its headquarters to Richardson.
January 1995: Hamas is declared a terrorist organization by the U.S.
July 1995: Mousa Abu Marzook, a political leader of the Islamic
resistance movement Hamas, is detained by federal agents at John F. Kennedy
International Airport in New York. He is declared a "specially designated
terrorist" by the U.S. He is related by marriage to Mr. Elashi and his family.
March 1996: Israel closes Holy Land's office in a Jerusalem suburb,
alleging that it is raising money for Hamas. U.S. Rep. Charles Schumer, D-N.Y.,
a sponsor of legislation that would outlaw domestic fundraising for foreign
terrorist organizations, calls for a federal investigation into allegations of
financial ties between Holy Land and Hamas.
August 1997: Mr. Marzook is deported without being indicted.
December 1999: The State Department says the government has been
investigating allegations of financial ties between Holy Land and Hamas since
at least 1996 and considered placing Holy Land on a list of foreign terrorist
organizations.
Dec. 4, 2001: President Bush, calling the Holy Land Foundation a
front for Hamas, announces that the foundation's assets have been frozen and
its offices in Richardson and three other cities closed. A spokesman for the
foundation denies that it has any involvement with terrorist groups and says
Holy Land is an American Muslim charity.
July 7, 2004: Mr. Elashi, his four brothers and the family's
computer services business, InfoCom, are convicted in federal court of
conspiracy to make illegal computer shipments to Libya and Syria and
falsifying values on other shipments. The office is next to the Holy Land
office. Mr. Marzook, an InfoCom investor, was also indicted in the InfoCom
case.
July 26, 2004: Holy Land, its executive director, its chairman Mr.
Elashi, and five other men are named in a 42-count federal indictment alleging
conspiracy, dealing with terrorists and money laundering.
April 13, 2005: Mr. Elashi, two of his brothers and InfoCom are
convicted of conspiring to do business with a designated terrorist, Mr.
Marzook.
April 16, 2007: Mr. Elashi begins his 6 ˝-year federal prison
sentence in the InfoCom case.
Monday: Jury selection in the
Holy Land Foundation terror-financing trial is scheduled to begin. The trial
is expected to be groundbreaking in scope, feature testimony from Israeli
secret agents and last at least three months.