Some of the
cables, made available to The New York Times and several other news
organizations, were written as recently as late February, revealing the Obama
administration’s exchanges over crises and conflicts. The material was
originally obtained by
WikiLeaks, an organization devoted to revealing secret documents.
WikiLeaks posted 220 cables, some redacted to protect diplomatic sources, in
the first installment of the archive on its Web site on Sunday.
The disclosure
of the cables is sending shudders through the diplomatic establishment, and
could strain relations with some countries, influencing international affairs
in ways that are impossible to predict.
Secretary of
State
Hillary Rodham Clinton and American ambassadors around the world have been
contacting foreign officials in recent days to alert them to the expected
disclosures. A
statement from the White House on Sunday said: “We condemn in the
strongest terms the unauthorized disclosure of classified documents and
sensitive national security information.”
The White House
said the release of what it called “stolen cables” to several publications was
a “reckless and dangerous action” and warned that some cables, if released in
full, could disrupt American operations abroad and put the work and even lives
of confidential sources of American diplomats at risk. The statement noted
that reports often include “candid and often incomplete information” whose
disclosure could “deeply impact not only U.S. foreign policy interests, but
those of our allies and friends around the world.”
The cables, a
huge sampling of the daily traffic between the State Department and some 270
embassies and consulates, amount to a secret chronicle of the United States’
relations with the world in an age of war and terrorism. Among their
revelations, to be detailed in The Times in coming days:
¶ A dangerous
standoff with Pakistan over nuclear fuel: Since 2007, the United States has
mounted a highly secret effort, so far unsuccessful, to remove from a
Pakistani research reactor highly enriched uranium that American officials
fear could be diverted for use in an illicit nuclear device. In May 2009,
Ambassador Anne W. Patterson reported that Pakistan was refusing to schedule a
visit by American technical experts because, as a Pakistani official said, “if
the local media got word of the fuel removal, ‘they certainly would portray it
as the United States taking Pakistan’s nuclear weapons,’ he argued.”
¶ Thinking about
an eventual collapse of North Korea: American and South Korean officials have
discussed the prospects for a unified Korea, should the North’s economic
troubles and political transition lead the state to implode. The South Koreans
even considered commercial inducements to China, according to the American
ambassador to Seoul. She told Washington in February that South Korean
officials believe that the right business deals would “help salve” China’s
“concerns about living with a reunified Korea” that is in a “benign alliance”
with the United States.
¶ Bargaining to
empty the Guantánamo Bay prison: When American diplomats pressed other
countries to resettle detainees, they became reluctant players in a State
Department version of “Let’s Make a Deal.” Slovenia was told to take a
prisoner if it wanted to meet with
President Obama, while the island nation of Kiribati was offered
incentives worth millions of dollars to take in Chinese Muslim detainees,
cables from diplomats recounted. The Americans, meanwhile, suggested that
accepting more prisoners would be “a low-cost way for Belgium to attain
prominence in Europe.”
¶ Suspicions of
corruption in the Afghan government: When Afghanistan’s vice president visited
the United Arab Emirates last year, local authorities working with the
Drug Enforcement Administration discovered that he was carrying $52
million in cash. With wry understatement, a cable from the American Embassy in
Kabul called the money “a significant amount” that the official, Ahmed Zia
Massoud, “was ultimately allowed to keep without revealing the money’s origin
or destination.” (Mr. Massoud denies taking any money out of Afghanistan.)
¶ A global
computer hacking effort: China’s Politburo directed the intrusion into
Google’s computer systems in that country, a Chinese contact told the American
Embassy in Beijing in January, one cable reported. The Google hacking was part
of a coordinated campaign of computer sabotage carried out by government
operatives, private security experts and Internet outlaws recruited by the
Chinese government. They have broken into American government computers and
those of Western allies, the
Dalai Lama and American businesses since 2002, cables said.
¶
Mixed records
against terrorism: Saudi donors remain the chief financiers of Sunni militant
groups like
Al Qaeda, and the tiny Persian Gulf state of Qatar, a generous host to the
American military for years, was the “worst in the region” in counterterrorism
efforts, according to a State Department cable last December. Qatar’s security
service was “hesitant to act against known terrorists out of concern for
appearing to be aligned with the U.S. and provoking reprisals,” the cable
said.
¶ An
intriguing alliance: American diplomats in Rome reported in 2009 on what
their Italian contacts described as an extraordinarily close relationship
between
Vladimir V. Putin, the Russian prime minister, and
Silvio Berlusconi, the Italian prime minister and business magnate,
including “lavish gifts,” lucrative energy contracts and a “shadowy”
Russian-speaking Italian go-between. They wrote that Mr. Berlusconi “appears
increasingly to be the mouthpiece of Putin” in Europe. The diplomats also
noted that while Mr. Putin enjoyed supremacy over all other public figures
in Russia, he was undermined by an unmanageable bureaucracy that often
ignored his edicts.
Day 1
of 9
A cache of diplomatic cables provide a
chronicle of the United States' relations with the world.
¶ Arms
deliveries to militants: Cables describe the United States’ failing struggle
to prevent Syria from supplying arms to
Hezbollah in Lebanon, which has amassed a huge stockpile since its 2006
war with Israel. One week after President
Bashar al-Assad promised a top State Department official that he would
not send “new” arms to Hezbollah, the United States complained that it had
information that Syria was providing increasingly sophisticated weapons to
the group.
¶ Clashes with
Europe over human rights: American officials sharply warned Germany in 2007
not to enforce arrest warrants for
Central Intelligence Agency officers involved in a bungled operation in
which an innocent German citizen with the same name as a suspected militant
was mistakenly kidnapped and held for months in Afghanistan. A senior
American diplomat told a German official “that our intention was not to
threaten Germany, but rather to urge that the German government weigh
carefully at every step of the way the implications for relations with the
U.S.”
The 251,287
cables, first acquired by WikiLeaks, were provided to The Times by an
intermediary on the condition of anonymity. Many are unclassified, and none
are marked “top secret,” the government’s most secure communications status.
But some 11,000 are classified “secret,” 9,000 are labeled “noforn,”
shorthand for material considered too delicate to be shared with any foreign
government, and 4,000 are designated both secret and noforn.
Many more
cables name diplomats’ confidential sources, from foreign legislators and
military officers to human rights activists and journalists, often with a
warning to Washington: “Please protect” or “Strictly protect.”
The Times,
after consultations with the State Department, has withheld from articles
and removed from documents it is posting online the names of some people who
spoke privately to diplomats and might be at risk if they were publicly
identified. The Times is also withholding some passages or entire cables
whose disclosure could compromise American intelligence efforts. While the
White House said it anticipated WikiLeaks would make public “several hundred
thousand” cables Sunday night, the organization posted only 220 released and
redacted by The Times and several European publications.
The cables
show that nearly a decade after the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, the dark
shadow of terrorism still dominates the United States’ relations with the
world. They depict the Obama administration struggling to sort out which
Pakistanis are trustworthy partners against Al Qaeda, adding Australians who
have disappeared in the Middle East to terrorist watch lists, and assessing
whether a lurking rickshaw driver in Lahore, Pakistan, was awaiting fares or
conducting surveillance of the road to the American Consulate.
They show
officials managing relations with a China on the rise and a Russia
retreating from democracy. They document years of effort to prevent Iran
from building a nuclear weapon — and of worry about a possible Israeli
strike on Iran with the same goal.
Even when they
recount events that are already known, the cables offer remarkable details.
For instance,
it has been previously reported that the Yemeni government has sought to
cover up the American role in missile strikes against the local branch of Al
Qaeda. But a cable’s fly-on-the-wall account of a January meeting between
the Yemeni president,
Ali Abdullah Saleh, and Gen.
David H. Petraeus, then the American commander in the Middle East, is
breathtaking.
“We’ll
continue saying the bombs are ours, not yours,” Mr. Saleh said, according to
the cable sent by the American ambassador, prompting Yemen’s deputy prime
minister to “joke that he had just ‘lied’ by telling Parliament” that Yemen
had carried out the strikes.
Mr. Saleh, who
at other times resisted American counterterrorism requests, was in a
lighthearted mood. The authoritarian ruler of a conservative Muslim country,
Mr. Saleh complains of smuggling from nearby Djibouti, but tells General
Petraeus that his concerns are drugs and weapons, not whiskey, “provided
it’s good whiskey.”
Likewise,
press reports detailed the unhappiness of the Libyan leader, Col.
Muammar el-Qaddafi, when he was not permitted to set up his tent in
Manhattan or to visit ground zero during a
United Nations session last year.
But the
cables add a touch of scandal and alarm to the tale. They describe the
volatile Libyan leader as rarely without the companionship of “his senior
Ukrainian nurse,” described as “a voluptuous blonde.” They reveal that
Colonel Qaddafi was so upset by his reception in New York that he balked
at carrying out a promise to return dangerous enriched uranium to Russia.
The American ambassador to Libya told Colonel Qaddafi’s son “that the
Libyan government had chosen a very dangerous venue to express its pique,”
a cable reported to Washington.
The cables
also disclose frank comments behind closed doors. Dispatches from early
this year, for instance, quote the aging monarch of Saudi Arabia, King
Abdullah, as speaking scathingly about the leaders of Iraq and Pakistan.
Speaking to
another Iraqi official about
Nuri Kamal al-Maliki, the Iraqi prime minister, King Abdullah said,
“You and Iraq are in my heart, but that man is not.” The king called
President
Asif Ali Zardari of Pakistan the greatest obstacle to that country’s
progress. “When the head is rotten,” he said, “it affects the whole body.”
The American
ambassador to Eritrea reported last year that “Eritrean officials are
ignorant or lying” in denying that they were supporting the
Shabab, a militant Islamist group in Somalia. The cable then mused
about which seemed more likely.
As he left
Zimbabwe in 2007 after three years as ambassador, Christopher W. Dell
wrote a sardonic account of
Robert Mugabe, that country’s aging and erratic leader. The cable
called him “a brilliant tactician” but mocked “his deep ignorance on
economic issues (coupled with the belief that his 18 doctorates give him
the authority to suspend the laws of economics).”
The
possibility that a large number of diplomatic cables might become public
has been discussed in government and media circles since May. That was
when, in an online chat, an Army intelligence analyst, Pfc.
Bradley Manning, described having downloaded from a military computer
system many classified documents, including “260,000 State Department
cables from embassies and consulates all over the world.” In an online
discussion with Adrian Lamo, a computer hacker, Private Manning said he
had delivered the cables and other documents to WikiLeaks.
Mr. Lamo
reported Private Manning’s disclosures to federal authorities, and Private
Manning was arrested. He has been charged with illegally leaking
classified information and faces a possible court-martial and, if
convicted, a lengthy prison term.
In July and
October, The Times, the British newspaper The Guardian and the German
magazine Der Spiegel published articles based on documents about
Afghanistan and Iraq. Those collections were placed online by WikiLeaks,
with selective redactions of the Afghan documents and much heavier
redactions of the Iraq reports.
Fodder
for Historians
Traditionally, most diplomatic cables remain secret for decades, providing
fodder for historians only when the participants are long retired or dead.
The State Department’s unclassified history series, titled “Foreign
Relations of the United States,” has reached only 1972.
While an
overwhelming majority of the quarter-million cables provided to The Times
are from the post-9/11 era, several hundred date from 1966 to the 1990s.
Some show diplomats struggling to make sense of major events whose future
course they could not guess.
In a 1979
cable to Washington, Bruce Laingen, an American diplomat in Tehran, mused
with a knowing tone about the Iranian revolution that had just occurred:
“Perhaps the single dominant aspect of the Persian psyche is an overriding
egoism,” Mr. Laingen wrote, offering tips on exploiting this psyche in
negotiations with the new government. Less than three months later, Mr.
Laingen and his colleagues would be taken hostage by radical Iranian
students, hurling the Carter administration into crisis and, perhaps,
demonstrating the hazards of diplomatic hubris.
In 1989, an
American diplomat in Panama City mulled over the options open to Gen.
Manuel Noriega, the Panamanian leader, who was facing narcotics
charges in the United States and intense domestic and international
political pressure to step down. The cable called General Noriega “a
master of survival”; its author appeared to have no inkling that one week
later, the United States would invade Panama to unseat General Noriega and
arrest him.
In 1990, an
American diplomat sent an excited dispatch from Cape Town: he had just
learned from a lawyer for
Nelson Mandela that Mr. Mandela’s 27-year imprisonment was to end. The
cable conveys the momentous changes about to begin for South Africa, even
as it discusses preparations for an impending visit from the Rev.
Jesse L. Jackson.
The
voluminous traffic of more recent years — well over half of the
quarter-million cables date from 2007 or later — show American officials
struggling with events whose outcomes are far from sure. To read through
them is to become a global voyeur, immersed in the jawboning, inducements
and penalties the United States wields in trying to have its way with a
recalcitrant world.
In an era of
satellites and fiber-optic links, the cable retains the archaic name of an
earlier technological era. It has long been the tool for the secretary of
state to send orders to the field and for ambassadors and political
officers to send their analyses to Washington.
The cables
have their own lexicon: “codel,” for a Congressional delegation; “visas
viper,” for a report on a person considered dangerous; “démarche,” an
official message to a foreign government, often a protest or warning.
But the
drama in the cables often comes from diplomats’ narratives of meetings
with foreign figures, games of diplomatic poker in which each side is
sizing up the other and neither is showing all its cards.
Among the
most fascinating examples recount American officials’ meetings in
September 2009 and February 2010 with
Ahmed Wali Karzai, the half brother of the Afghan president and a
power broker in the
Taliban’s home turf of Kandahar.
They
describe Mr. Karzai, “dressed in a crisp white shalwar kameez,” the
traditional dress of loose tunic and trousers, appearing “nervous, though
eager to express his views on the international presence in Kandahar,” and
trying to win over the Americans with nostalgic tales about his years
running a Chicago restaurant near Wrigley Field.
But in
midnarrative there is a stark alert for anyone reading the cable in
Washington: “Note: While we must deal with AWK as the head of the
Provincial Council, he is widely understood to be corrupt and a narcotics
trafficker.” (Mr. Karzai has denied such charges.) And the cables note
statements by Mr. Karzai that the Americans, informed by a steady flow of
eavesdropping and agents’ reports, believe to be false.
A cable
written after the February meeting coolly took note of the deceit on both
sides.
Mr. Karzai
“demonstrated that he will dissemble when it suits his needs,” the cable
said. “He appears not to understand the level of our knowledge of his
activities. We will need to monitor his activity closely, and deliver a
recurring, transparent message to him” about the limits of American
tolerance.
Not All
Business
Even in
places far from war zones and international crises, where the stakes for
the United States are not as high, curious diplomats can turn out to be
accomplished reporters, sending vivid dispatches to deepen the
government’s understanding of exotic places.
In a 2006
account, a wide-eyed American diplomat describes the lavish wedding of a
well-connected couple in Dagestan, in Russia’s Caucasus, where one guest
is the strongman who runs the war-ravaged Russian republic of Chechnya,
Ramzan Kadyrov.
The diplomat
tells of drunken guests throwing $100 bills at child dancers, and
nighttime water-scooter jaunts on the Caspian Sea.
“The dancers
probably picked upwards of USD 5000 off the cobblestones,” the diplomat
wrote. The host later tells him that Ramzan Kadyrov “had brought the happy
couple ‘a five-kilo lump of gold’ as his wedding present.”
“After the
dancing and a quick tour of the premises, Ramzan and his army drove off
back to Chechnya,” the diplomat reported to Washington. “We asked why
Ramzan did not spend the night in Makhachkala, and were told, ‘Ramzan
never spends the night anywhere.’ ”
Profile of the Libyan Leader
S E C R E T
SECTION 01 OF 02 TRIPOLI 000771
NOFORN
SIPDIS
STATE FOR NEA/MAG
AND INR.
E.O. 12958: DECL:
9/29/2019
TAGS: PREL, PGOV, LY, PINR
SUBJECT: A GLIMPSE INTO LIBYAN LEADER QADHAFI'S ECCENTRICITIES
CLASSIFIED BY:
Gene A. Cretz, Ambassador, U.S. Embassy Tripoli,
Department of State.
REASON: 1.4 (b), (d)
1. (S/NF)
Summary: Recent first-hand experiences with Libyan
Leader Muammar al-Qadhafi and his staff, primarily in
preparation for his UNGA trip, provided rare insights into
Qadhafi's inner circle and personal proclivities. Qadhafi
appears to rely heavily –– ––––– ––––– –––– –––––,
and
reportedly cannot travel with his senior Ukrainian nurse, Galyna
Kolotnytska. He also appears to have an intense dislike or fear
of staying on upper floors, reportedly prefers not to fly over
water, and seems to enjoy horse racing and flamenco dancing.
His recent travel may also suggest a diminished dependence on
his legendary female guard force, as only one woman bodyguard
accompanied him to New York. End Summary.
QADHAFI'S
PERSONALITY REFLECTED IN HIS PHOBIAS
2. (S/NF)
Muammar al-Qadhafi has been described as both
mercurial and eccentric, and our recent first-hand experiences
with him and his office, primarily in preparation for his UNGA
trip, demonstrated the truth of both characterizations. From
the moment Qadhafi's staff began to prepare for his travel to
the United States, ––––– ––––– –– ––– ––––– ––
–––––,
–––– –––––, ––– ––– –––– –– ––– –––– ––– ––– –––––
–––– of
his 40-year rule, various proclivities and phobias began to
reveal themselves in every logistical detail. When applying for
Qadhafi's visa, ––––– ––––– asked whether
it was necessary
for the Leader to submit a portrait of himself that fit consular
application regulations, noting that his photo was displayed
throughout the city and that anyone of hundreds of billboards
could be photographed and shrunken to fit the application's
criteria. When the rule was enforced, ––––– –––––
reluctantly conceded to take a portrait of the Leader
specifically for the visa application.
3. (S/NF) When
––––– began to search for proper
accommodations for Qadhafi, ––––– informed
us that the Leader
must stay on the first floor of any facility that was rented for
him. (––––– separately told U.S. officials
in Washington that
Qadhafi could not climb more than 35 steps.) –––––
cited this
requirement as the primary reason that the Libyan residence in
New Jersey was selected as the preferred accommodation site
rather than the Libyan PermRep's residence in New York City.
––––– also sought to find accommodations
with room to pitch
Qadhafi's Bedouin tent, Qadhafi's traditional site for receiving
visitors and conducting meetings, as it offers him a non-verbal
way of communicating that he is a man close to his cultural
roots.
4. (S/NF)
Qadhafi's dislike of long flights and apparent fear of
flying over water also caused logistical headaches for his
staff. When discussing flight clearances with Emboffs,
–––––
explained that the Libyan delegation would arrive from Portugal,
as Qadhafi "cannot fly more than eight hours" and would need to
overnight in Europe prior to continuing his journey to New York.
––––– also revealed in the same
conversation that Qadhafi
does not like to fly over water. Presumably for similar
reasons, Qadhafi's staff also requested a stop in Newfoundland
to break his travel from Venezuela to Libya on September 29.
[Note: The Government of Canada recently confirmed that the
Libyan delegation canceled plans to stop in Newfoundland. End
Note.]
DEPENDENCIES:
RELIANCE ON A SELECTIVE GROUP OF INDIVIDUALS
5. (S/NF)
Qadhafi appears to be almost obsessively dependent on
a small core of trusted personnel. This group includes
––––– –––– –––––, ––– ––– –– ––––– ––––– ––– ––––
–––
––––– ––––– ––––– –– coordinate the
logistics of Qadhafi's
visit. ––––– balanced the UNGA preparations
between equally
frenetic preparations for the August 31 African Union (AU)
Summit and September 1 celebration of Qadhafi's coup.
–––––'–
–––– ––––– –– ––––– –––– ––––– –– ––––– –––––
––––. At large events such as the August 31 AU Summit and
September 1 celebrations, ––––– ––––– –––––
every last
detail of these complex gatherings, ranging from the overall
program to the position of the press pool. At UNGA,
–––––
––––– ––––– Qadhafi to the podium at the
UNGA and
––––– ––––– his papers and props upon the
conclusion of
the Leader's remarks. Long-time Qadhafi Chief of Staff Bashir
Salah appears to play an equally important role in Qadhafi's
personal retinue, and ––––– ––––– –––– –––––
via an
old-fashioned green phone –– –––––'– ––––.
It is next to a
red phone, which presumably connects to Qadhafi himself. We
constantly hear that National Security Adviser and son,
Muatassim, also plays a key role as his father's confidante and
handler during travel abroad. Muatassim also seems to have been
tasked with insuring that the Leader's image is well-preserved
through the full array of carefully-planned media events.
6. (S/NF)
Finally, Qadhafi relies heavily on his long-time
Ukrainian nurse, Galyna Kolotnytska, who has been described as a
"voluptuous blonde." Of the rumored staff of four Ukrainian
nurses that cater to the Leader's health and well-being,
–––––
––––– ––––– emphasized to multiple Emboffs
that Qadhafi
cannot travel without Kolotnytska, as she alone "knows his
routine." When Kolotnytska's late visa application resulted in
her Security Advisory Opinion being received on the day
Qadhafi's party planned to travel to the U.S., the Libyan
Government sent a private jet to ferry her from Libya to
Portugal to meet up with the Leader during his rest-stop. Some
embassy contacts have claimed that Qadhafi and the 38 year-old
Kolotnytska have a romantic relationship. While he did not
comment on such rumors, a Ukrainian political officer recently
confirmed that the Ukrainian nurses "travel everywhere with the
Leader."
PREFERENCES -
FROM DANCING TO HORSEMAN
7. (S/NF) In
addition to the personality quirks revealed through
Qadhafi's travel to New York, the Qadhafi's preferences for
dancing and cultural performances were displayed over the last
month. The three-day spectacle of his 40th anniversary in power
included performances by dance troupes from Ukraine, Tunisia,
Algeria, Egypt, and Morocco, as well as musical performances by
bands from Mexico, Russia, New Zealand, and a number of other
nations. Qadhafi appeared particularly enthralled by Tuareg
horse racing during two of the events, clapping and smiling
throughout the races. The flamenco dancers that participated in
his celebratory events appeared to spark a similar interest, as
Qadhafi decided to stop in Seville (for a "personal trip"
according to the Spanish Ambassador here) on his way back to
Libya from Venezuela specifically to attend a flamenco dance
performance. [Note: That stop has reportedly been scrapped for
unknown reasons. End note.]
NO NEW YORK
PHOTO OPS - QADHAFI LEAVES FEMALE GUARDS AT HOME
8. (S/NF) While
Qadhafi's reported female guard force has become
legendary, it played no role in his travels to New York. Only
one female guard was included among the approximately 350-person
strong Libyan delegation to New York. This is the same female
bodyguard who sticks close to Qadhafi in his domestic and
international public appearances and may, in fact, play some
sort of formal security role. Observers in Tripoli speculate
that the female guard force is beginning to play a diminished
role among the Leader's personal security staff.
9. (S/NF)
Comment: Qadhafi's state visits and appearances at
various conferences and summits, both at home and abroad, have
revealed greater details about his personality and character.
While it is tempting to dismiss his many eccentricities as signs
of instability, Qadhafi is a complicated individual who has
managed to stay in power for forty years through a skillful
balancing of interests and realpolitik methods. Continued
engagement with Qadhafi and his inner circle is important not
only to learn the motives and interests that drive the world's
longest serving dictator, but also to help overcome the
misperceptions that inevitably accumulated during Qadhafi's
decades of isolation. As ––––– told us,
pointing to a
larger-than-life portrait of Qadhafi, "When you have been
isolated for so long, it is important to communicate." End
comment.
CRETZ
2009 Meeting with Ahmed Wali Karzai
C O N F I D E N
T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 KABUL 003068
SENSITIVE
SIPDIS
DEPARTMENT FOR
SRAP, SCA/FO, SCA/A, EUR/RPM
STATE PASS USAID FOR ASIA/SCAA
USFOR-A FOR POLAD
E.O. 12958: DECL:
09/27/2019
TAGS: KDEM, MOPS, PGOV, PREL, AF
SUBJECT: AHMED WALI KARZAI AND GOVERNOR WEESA ON GOVERNANCE
IN KANDAHAR
Classified By:
Interagency Provincial Affairs Deputy Coordinator Hoyt Y
ee for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d)
1. (C) Summary:
in a lengthy and cordial introductory meeting
with Kandahar Provincial Council Chief Ahmed Wali Karzai
(AWK) and Governor Tooryalai Weesa, Senior Civilian
Representative (SCR) for the South Frank Ruggiero underscored
the need for improved governance in Kandahar, and highlighted
the importance of naming credible provincial governors and
district officials before the inauguration to send a positive
signal on good governance to the Afghan people and the
international community. Both AWK and Weesa acknowledged the
weakness of the government in Kandahar, and outlined their
proposals for local solutions, including the empowerment of
shuras of district elders for local dispute resolution rather
than the courts. AWK also emphasized large-scale
infrastructure projects rather than smaller cash-for-work
program, and his desire to see private security companies in
the province under one licensee. AWK discounted the role of
elections and their importance to Afghans. End Summary.
AWK Nervous but
Eager to Share Views
----------------------------------
2. (C) SCR
Ruggiero met with AWK and Governor Weesa on
September 28 in the Governor's Palace in Kandahar City. The
Representative of Canada in Kandahar (RoCK) Ben Rowswell also
attended the meeting, which was held in a wood-paneled room,
beneath a large photo of President Hamid Karzai. (Note:
While we must deal with AWK as the head of the Provincial
Council, he is widely understood to be corrupt and a
narcotics trafficker. End Note) AWK, dressed in a crisp
white shalwar kameez and pinstriped vest, appeared nervous,
though eager to express his views on the international
presence in Kandahar.
The Importance
of Good Governance
------------------------------
3. (C) SCR
emphasized the criticality of good governance in
the province, and said the United States would like to see
improvement in the post-election period. He said the United
States is ready to work with the GIRoA to strengthen key
provincial and district level governance, but we are only
willing to expend our resources in people and programs if we
have confidence those resources will pay off and make a real
difference.
4. (C) Both AWK
and Weesa acknowledged there was a
credibility gap between the public and the government. Weesa
said it was a problem that in the 10 months he had been in
office, the government had not been able to deliver 24-hour
electricity to the people, and that 150 factories had closed
because of it. He said people looked to NGOs more than to
the government to deliver services, and he complained that
NGOs poach workers from the government by offering higher
wages. SCR emphasized the importance of naming credible
provincial governors and district officials before the
inauguration to send a positive signal on good governance to
the Afghan people and the international community.
5. (C) AWK
suggested one way of fighting corruption in the
province would be to re-establish and empower district
shuras, instead of judges or police, to settle local
disputes. Currently there is only one judge for the five
districts around Kandahar City, he said, and a council of
local elders would be more effective at resolving land, water
and other disputes. (Note: there are a total of seven judges
for all 17 districts in the province.) "You can easily bribe
the chief of police or a judge,8 he said, &but you can't
bribe 50 elders." He said the provincial council, with the
support of the governor, could initiate the formation of
these district shuras, which would consist of 10-15 elders
elected by the people.
Infrastructure
Priorities, Private Security Contractors and
Conflicts of Interest
--------------------------------------------- -----------------
6. (C) AWK said
he had been in Kandahar almost continuously
since 1992, and that the U.S. reputation in the province was
built on the back of two key infrastructure projects done in
the 1950s and 60s. He said what would make a difference to
the population today would be similar large-scale,
labor-intensive projects that would provide jobs to the
people and keep them from being recruited by the Taliban.
AWK cautioned against the use of small scale projects and
KABUL 00003068
002 OF 002
additional
cash-for-work programs; he stated that the use of
implementing partners does not allow expenditure of
development resources to reach villagers and other local
Afghans. Both he and Weesa added that it should be the local
elders who are empowered to distribute these jobs, not
officials or companies from outside.
Putting Private
Security Under the Direction of the
Provincial Council
--------------------------------------------- --
7. (C) In the
same vein of providing "local solutions to
local problems," as he put it, AWK recommended a "local
solution" to the problem of providing security in the area.
He said that currently, there are many jihadi commanders with
militias who independently provide protection to convoys and
projects, but that a proposal before the Ministry of Interior
would bring all these commanders under one umbrella in
Kandahar, with one person given the license for the private
security sector. He said there would be a meeting Wednesday
(September 30) of all the security companies, under the
auspices of the Provincial Council, to appoint this
representative to send to Kabul. (Note: AWK is understood to
have a stake in private security contracting, and has
aggressively lobbied the Canadians to have his security
services retained for the Dahla Dam refurbishment. Both he
and the governor have tried to exert control over how
contracts are awarded in the province ) all of which could
be a significant conflict of interest in the province. End
Note.)
Elections:
What's the Point?
---------------------
8. (C) In answer
to a question from the RoCK and the SCR
about the credibility of the elections, AWK said democracy
was new for Afghanistan, and that people in the region did
not understand the point of having one election, let alone
two. "The people do not like change," he said. "They think,
the President is alive, and everything is fine. Why have an
election?"
Comment
-----
9. (C) The
meeting with AWK highlights one of our major
challenges in Afghanistan: how to fight corruption and
connect the people to their government, when the key
government officials are themselves corrupt. Given AWK's
reputation for shady dealings, his recommendations for large,
costly infrastructure projects should be viewed with a
healthy dose of skepticism. Still, his observations about
the unintended consequences of how NGOs and other
international partners do their work, e.g. "poaching" of
government staff, track with some of our own concerns,
including about how to promote Afghan-led solutions. We will
continue to urge AWK to improve his own credibility gap as
well as that of the GIRoA.
EIKENBERRY
WikiLeaks documents reveal Arab
states' anxiety over Iran
http://www.cnn.com/2010/US/11/28/us.wikileaks.iran/index.html?hpt=T2
(CNN) -- U.S.
diplomatic cables obtained by the website WikiLeaks and published by
newspapers in the United States and Europe on Sunday reveal considerable
anxiety among the Gulf states about Iran's nuclear program,
with the Bahrain's king warning, "The danger of letting
it go on is greater than the danger of stopping it."
The cables, many
marked "Secret," were among several hundred thousand obtained by WikiLeaks and
published by newspapers Sunday.
They reveal
great concern among Arab states about Iran's regional ambitions. One cable
describes a meeting between Saudi King Abdullah and
White House counterterrorism adviser John Brennan and other U.S. officials in
March 2009.
According to the
cable, the king told the Americans what he had just told the Iranian foreign
minister, Manouchehr Mottaki. "You as Persians have no business meddling in
Arab matters," the Saudi monarch was quoted as telling Mottaki.
"Iran's goal is to cause problems," he told
Brennan. "There is no doubt something unstable about them."
The king was
also highly critical of the Iraqi Prime Minister, Nuri al Maliki. He is
reported to have told his American visitors: "I don't
trust this man.... he's an Iranian agent." The cable continues: "The
King said he had told both (former U.S. President George W.) Bush and former
Vice President (Dick) Cheney: 'How can I meet with someone I don't trust?'"
King Abdullah
also welcomed the election of President Barack Obama.
"Thank God for bringing Obama to the presidency," he is reported as
saying, adding that it had created "great hope" in the Muslim world.
According to
another cable, King Hamadbin Isa al-Khalifa of Bahrain told the commander of
U.S. Central Command, Gen. David H. Petraeus, that Iran
was the "source of much of the trouble in both Iraq and Afghanistan."
The cable, sent
in November 2009 by the U.S. ambassador in Bahrain, added that the king had
"argued forcefully for taking action to terminate their nuclear program, by
whatever means necessary. 'That program must be stopped,' he said.
Another cable
reveals that in the neighboring United Arab Emirates, Foreign Minister Sheikh
Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan told a congressional delegation last February
that "if Iran goes nuclear, others in the region will move forward on the same
track, and the nuclear nonproliferation treaty will completely break down."
According to a
cable about the meeting sent by the U.S. ambassador on February 22, the
minister added that "a crisis or confrontation in the region would create oil
supply problems worldwide."
There was
similar apprehension in Egypt about Iran. In a cable sent in February 2009,
the U.S. ambassador in Cairo recounted: "President
Mubarak told Senator Mitchell during his recent visit here that he did not
oppose our talking with the Iranians, as long as 'you don't believe a word
they say.'"
The cable
referred to former Sen. George Mitchell, the Obama administration's special
Middle East envoy.
According to the
cable, the ambassador continued: "Mubarak has a visceral
hatred for the Islamic Republic, referring repeatedly to Iranians as 'liars,'
and denouncing them for seeking to destabilize Egypt and the region."
A cable from the
U.S. ambassador in Oman, meanwhile, quotes the country's Armed Forces Chief,
Lt. Gen. Ali bin Majidal-Ma'amari, as saying that "with Iran's continued
attitude on the nuclear issue, the security situation in Iraq would remain
unresolved."
Citing Oman's
preference for a non-military solution, he nevertheless acknowledged that a
nuclear-armed Iran as opposed to war with Iran posed "an extremely difficult
dilemma for all of us," the cable continued.
There is advice
in another cable about to handle Iran.
According to a
readout of a November 2007 briefing from the then-British ambassador in
Tehran, Geoffrey Adams, the UK envoy had "recommended being steady and firm,
tough but not aggressive, and at the same time, seeking to engage."
The cable says: "He stressed that Iranians are
obsessed with the West and this obsession at times blinds them to their
interests."
Saudi King: US Should Plant Chips in Gitmo
Detainees.
By Full US Embassy Cable
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article26928.htm
Posted November
28, 2010
xSunday, 22
March 2009, 10:14
S E C R E T RIYADH 000447
NSC FOR JBRENNAN AND JDUNCAN; STATE FOR S/WCI
EO 12958
DECL: 03/16/2019
TAGS PREL,
PTER, KWBG,
SA, AF, IN,
PK, IR,
IZ
SUBJECT: COUNTERTERRORISM ADVISER BRENNAN'S MEETING WITH
SAUDI
KING ABDULLAH
REF: RIYADH 427
Classified By: Pol Counselor Lisa Carle, 1.4(b),(d)
1. KEY POINTS
-- (S) Saudi
King Abdullah welcomed White House counterterrorism adviser John Brennan, S/WCI
Ambassador Williamson, and Ambassador Fraker to his private palace March 15
for a 90-minute discussion focused on U.S. Saudi-relations, counterterrorism
cooperation, the Yemeni Guantanamo Bay detainees,
Iran, and
Iraq.
-- (S) Brennan
presented the King with a letter from President Obama expressing a personal
message of friendship, appreciation for our close and collaborative
relationship and concern over the disposition of Yemeni detainees at
Guantanamo.
-- (S) The King
said he had told Iranian Foreign Minister Mottaki only minutes before that
Iran should stop interfering in Arab affairs, and had given Iran a one-year
deadline to improve its relations with
Saudi Arabia.
-- (S) The King
expressed a complete lack of trust in Iraqi PM al-Maliki and held out little
hope for improved Saudi/Iraqi relations as long as al-Maliki remains in
office.
-- (S) When
asked what advice he had for President Obama, the King said he had "one
request": that it was "critically important to restore America's credibility"
in the world.
U.S. SAUDI
RELATIONS
2. (S)
PLEDGES OF FRIENDSHIP: Brennan asserted that the
U.S./Saudi alliance must remain strong, and assured the King of President
Obama's wishes for a long and healthy U.S./Saudi relationship, and the
President's personal commitment that Saudi Arabia had a friend in the White
House. The King replied that he appreciated the sentiments and that he had
great respect for President Obama. "We (the U.S. and Saudi Arabia) spilled
blood together" in Kuwait and Iraq, the King continued, and Saudi Arabia
valued this tremendously. Friendship can be a difficult issue that requires
work, Abdullah said, but the U.S. and Saudi Arabia have done it for 70 years
over three generations. "Our disagreements don,t cut to the bone," he stated.
3. (S)
U.S. CREDIBILITY IS CRITICAL: The Bush
Administration is now in the past, the King said. Both President Bushes were
his friends, but the recent President Bush didn,t take his advice on dealing
with issues in the region, and they found their problems "compounded." The
King said, "we are ready to consult, provide guidance and to do whatever is
necessary. We are people of the region and we know it well." Brennan responded
that President Obama wants to listen, and asked what advice the King would
offer to President Obama. Abdullah said his one piece of advice was that
restoring U.S. credibility in the world was critically important. Brennan
responded that this was an important issue for President Obama as well.
Brennan said that under President Obama we will restore our credibility. He
said the U.S. is a great country and we know what we have to do.
4. (S)
THE WORLD NEEDS OBAMA: Brennan said President
Obama looked forward to seeing the King at the G-20 summit in London. "Thank
God for bringing Obama to the presidency," the King answered, which has
created "great hope" in the Muslim world. "May God grant him strength and
patience, Abdullah continued, "May God protect him. I'm concerned about his
personal safety. America and the world need such a president."
5. (C)
THAT WITHOUT WHICH NO SAUDI MEETING IS COMPLETE:
Abdullah said "as a friend" that "it was a mistake" to limit access of Saudi
citizens to the U.S., since "this damages bilateral relations and the image of
the U.S. in Saudi Arabia." The King noted there were 60,000 Saudi students
abroad, about one third of whom were in the U.S., and "others would have gone"
but for the difficulties in gaining access to the U.S. The King noted that for
many years very senior Saudi officials, including Prince Saud al-Faisal, had
studied in the U.S. He then noted that Saudi Ambassador to the U.S., Adel al
Jubeir (who was interpreting for the King) had studied in the U.S. and was
"half American" as a result. He also said he was aware of, and appreciated,
Ambassador Fraker's efforts to improve the visa situation "even though there
were people in Washington who fought him." Finally, he observed that anyone
from Saudi Arabia who studies in the U.S. inevitably becomes a friend and
advocate of the
United States and that we only hurt ourselves by cutting off this flow of
students.
DETAINEES
6. (S)
GUANTANAMO WILL BE CLOSED: Brennan explained that
President Obama had made a commitment to close Guantanamo to eliminate the
potential propaganda benefits its existence provided to Al-Qaeda, but also
because it was the right thing to do. Brennan reassured the King, however,
that President Obama would remain strong on counterterrorism. Brennan
presented the King with a letter from President Obama addressing the issue of
Yemeni detainees at Guantanamo. Brennan noted that he had met with Prince
Mohammed bin Nayef (MbN) the day before to discuss at length The issue of the
Yemeni detainees. Brennan further stated that he would be traveling to Sanaa
the next day to meet with President Saleh, as the issue of the remaining 99
Yemeni detainees still needed to be resolved. Brennan praised MbN as an
outstanding counterterrorism partner, and that the MOI was doing a wonderful,
courageous job in countering the terrorist threat to the Kingdom. Returning to
the subject later in the conversation, Brennan warned that the U.S. feared
Yemen could become another Waziristan, and urged that the U.S. and Saudi
Arabia needed to work together to keep Al-Qaeda in Yemen from growing even
more dangerous. The King replied that having Somalia next door to Yemen only
adds to the danger. Brennan said that the capabilities of the Ministry of the
Interior security forces had grown impressively over the past 10 years.
Brennan added that counterterrorism and intelligence sharing cooperation
between our countries had never been better and that MbN deserved the credit.
In an unusual concession, made at the conclusion of their conversation, the
King said, "be assured I am fully briefed on the work you are doing with
Prince Mohammed bin Nayef."
7. (S)
HOW TO TRACK DETAINEES: "I've just thought of
something," the King added, and proposed implanting detainees with an
electronic chip containing information about them and allowing their movements
to be tracked with Bluetooth. This was done with horses and falcons, the King
said. Brennan replied, "horses don,t have good lawyers," and that such a
proposal would face legal hurdles in the U.S., but agreed that keeping track
of detainees was an extremely important issue that he would review with
appropriate officials when he returned to the United States.
IRAN
8. (S) A "HEATED
EXCHANGE": The King noted that
Iranian FM Mottaki had been "sitting in that same seat (as Brennan) a few
moments ago." The King described his conversation with FM Mottaki as "a heated
exchange, frankly discussing Iran's interference in Arab affairs." When
challenged by the King on Iranian meddling in Hamas affairs, Mottaki
apparently protested that "these are Muslims." "No, Arabs" countered the King,
"You as Persians have no business meddling in Arab matters."
The King said the Iranians wanted to improve relations and that he
responded by giving Mottaki an ultimatum. "I will give you one year" (to
improve ties), "after that, it will be the end."
9. (S) "SPARE
US YOUR EVIL": The King expressed hope the U.S. would review its Iran
policy and "come to the right conclusion." Brennan responded that President
Obama was personally reviewing U.S. Iran policy and wanted to hear the King's
thoughts. Abdullah asserted that Iran is trying to set up Hizballah-like
organizations in African countries, observing that the Iranians don't think
they are doing anything wrong and don't recognize their mistakes. "I said (to
Mottaki) that's your problem," recounted the King. Abdullah said he would
favor Rafsanjani in an Iranian election, were he to run. He described Iran not
as "a neighbor one wants to see," but as "a neighbor one wants to avoid." He
said the Iranians "launch missiles with the hope of putting fear in people and
the world." A solution to the Arab/Israeli conflict would be a great
achievement, the King said, but Iran would find other ways to cause trouble.
"Iran's goal is to cause problems," he continued, "There is no doubt something
unstable about them." He described Iran as "adventurous in the negative
sense," and declared "May God prevent us from falling victim to their evil."
Mottaki had tendered an invitation to visit Iran, but Abdullah said he replied
"All I want is for you to spare us your evil." Summarizing his history with
Iran, Abdullah concluded: "We have had correct relations over the years, but
the bottom line is that they cannot be trusted."
10. (S)
AN EMPTY CHANNEL: The King said "three years ago"
Iranian Supreme Leader Khamenei had sent his adviser Ali Akbar Velayati with a
letter asking for Abdullah's agreement to establish a formal back channel for
communication between the two leaders. Abdullah said he had agreed, and the
channel was established with Velayati and Saudi FM Saud al-Faisal as the
points of contact. In the years since, the King noted, the channel had never
been used.
11. (S)
A DANGEROUS NEIGHBORHOOD: Brennan responded that
the Saudis lived in a dangerous neighborhood with Iran across the Gulf, with
Saudi Arabia sharing a long border with Yemen, and with a number of other
troublesome countries nearby. Brennan noted that we have a lot of work to do
in the
Middle East together. The King responded that the world,s attention was
focused on the region. He further stated that he believed that the U.S. could
help in this sensitive region, but that we should not take matters lightly.
Brennan noted that President Obama is fully aware of the dangers in the
region, that the U.S. knew that it had to remain involved in constructing a
solution, and that we would seek the King,s counsel in dealing with the many
issues in the Middle East. The King asked if that included Iran. Brennan
responded that it did. Brennan said that we had our eyes wide open to Iranian
ambitions, that we were not nave to the dangers Iran posed to Saudi Arabia,
and that Iran could not be allowed to succeed in its destabilizing activites.
Brennan observed that the President had ordered a complete review of U.S. Iran
policy and made reference to a passage in the President,s letter that we
needed to test Iran,s intentions to cease its destabilizing behavior and live
up to its international obligations. Brennan further observed that the
U.S.-Saudi partnership had to remain strong and that together, and with
others, we needed to thwart Iran,s nuclear ambitions. "That is important,"
responded the King. Finally, Brennan said the President wanted the King to
know he had a good friend in the White House who would be willing to assist in
any way that he could. The King thanked Mr. Brennan, said he appreciated the
sentiments, said that he had great respect for President Obama, and reflected
that we had been great friends for many years and would remain friends as our
disagreements were minor.
12. (U) SEE
REFTEL: Ref A provided a separate readout on the Iran discussion and the
King's meeting with Mottaki.
IRAQ
13. (S)
IN THE HANDS OF GOD AND IRAN: Brennan expressed
the importance the U.S. attaches to achieving peace and stability in Iraq. The
King replied that this was "in the hands of God," though he agreed that Iraq
was vitally important to both the U.S. and Saudi Arabia. The King also pointed
out that "some say the U.S. invasion handed Iraq to Iran on a silver platter;
this after we fought Saddam Hussein."
14. (S)
NO HOPE FOR MALIKI: The King said he had "no
confidence whatsoever in (Iraqi PM) Maliki, and the Ambassador (Fraker) is
well aware of my views." The King affirmed that he had refused former
President Bush's entreaties that he meet with Maliki. The King said he had met
Maliki early in Maliki's term of office, and the Iraqi had given him a written
list of commitments for reconciliation in Iraq, but had failed to follow
through on any of them. For this reason, the King said, Maliki had no
credibility. "I don,t trust this man," the King stated, "He's an Iranian
agent." The King said he had told both Bush and former Vice president Cheney
"how can I meet with someone I don,t trust?" Maliki has "opened the door for
Iranian influence in Iraq" since taking power, the King said, and he was "not
hopeful at all" for Maliki, "or I would have met with him."
AN ALERT AND ENGAGING HOST
15. (S) I MISS
MY HORSES: The King appeared alert and at times animated, entertaining his
guests with anecdotes about his encounters with Iranian leaders (septel), and
throwing up his hands in complaint when asked if he spent time with his
horses: "I see them on television when they race," he said. "I love horses,"
he exclaimed, "every couple of weeks I get to see them, and then I have a very
calm and restful sleep."
16. (S)
DIALOGUE AND REFORM AS DUTY: In response to
Brennan,s praise for the King,s interfaith dialogue initiative, his commitment
to advancing rights as reflected by his recent appointment of the first female
(deputy education) minister, the King said "Thanks for the sentiment but I did
nothing special, only what I thought was my duty. I believe we do our duty as
determined by God."
17. (S)
PARTICIPANTS:
Saudi Arabia --
Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz al-Saud -- HRH
Prince Mohammed bin Nayef bin Abdulaziz al-Saud, Assistant Minister of the
Interior -- Ambassador to the U.S. Adel al-Jubeir (interpreter)
U.S. --
John Brennan, Assistant to the President for Homeland
Security and Counterterrorism -- Ambassador Ford Fraker --
Ambassador-at-large for War Crimes Issues Clint Williamson -- John Duncan, NSC
Director for Counterterrorism -- Shaun Coughlin, Special Assistant, S/WCI --
Embassy control officer/notetaker
18. (U)
Assistant to the President Brennan cleared this cable.
FRAKER
Wikileaks: Israel Assessed Abbas as Weak,
Unpopular
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article26940.htm
By AFP
November 29, 2010 "-- JERUSALEM (AFP) -- Senior Israeli defense and political
figures described President Mahmoud Abbas as weak, unpopular and unlikely to
survive politically past 2011, leaked
US diplomatic cables showed
on Monday.
In meetings with US representatives, Israeli officials ranging from
then-opposition leader Benjamin Netanyahu, to senior defense official Amos
Gilad expressed doubt about Abbas's political longevity.
"It was widely agreed that President Abbas is currently in a weakened
political state, and Israeli officials generally cast a dour assessment of
Abbas's future," said one cable, recounting details of a 2009 meeting between
US assistant defense secretary Alexander Vershbow and Israeli defense
officials.
"In one exchange, Amos Gilad stated his opinion that Abbas will not survive
politically past the year 2011," the cable said.
Gilad, a senior policy official at the defense ministry, added that the
"government of Israel has little faith in the Palestinian negotiating team."
The cables are part of a massive release of US embassy dispatches by
whistleblower website WikiLeaks, which has so far published just several
hundred of the reported quarter million US diplomatic cables it has obtained.
The files show Israel's long-standing assessment of Abbas as a weak figurehead
unable to stand up to his political rivals, militant group Hamas.
In 2007, then-opposition leader and current Prime Minister Netanyahu told US
lawmaker Gary Ackerman that Abbas was a "nice man who means well," but that
Israeli and US efforts would be better focused on undermining Hamas.
"Without elaborating, Netanyahu said it would be easier to weaken Hamas than
to strengthen Abbas," the cable from the US embassy in Tel Aviv said.
And in June 2007, Mossad director Meir Dagan told then-US homeland security
advisor Frances Townsend that Abbas's Fatah party was so deeply unpopular that
Israel was essentially propping up his regime.
"Only Israeli military operations against Hamas in the West Bank prevent them
from expanding control beyond Gaza, lamented Dagan, without which Fatah would
fall within one month and Abbas would join his 'mysteriously wealthy' son in
Qatar," the cable said.
"Although he expressed his personal faith in Salam Fayyad, Dagan said that the
Palestinian prime minister had no power base. Fatah as a party would have to
completely reorganise itself in order to regain credibility, argued Dagan, but
instead they have turned once again to the 'old guard.'"
On Monday, chief Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat criticized the reports of
Dagan's remarks, saying the comments were "attempts to discredit the
president, which raise a big question mark over the level of trust between us
and them."