Discrimination against Jews on religious grounds was a recurrent
phenomenon in the German-speaking countries, as in the rest of Europe,
from the late Middle Ages, when they were reviled and massacred on the
approach of the Black Death in the mid-14th c. Anti-Semitic thinking was
reinforced by the
Reformation:
Luther addressed the Jewish faith with the intolerance of conviction,
calling for the destruction of the synagogues (Von den
Juden und ihren Lügen, 1543). The Roman Catholic states remained more
moderate, and a general change of attitude was inaugurated by the slow
spread of Humanism (see
Humanismus) with its message of religious tolerance. According to the
articles of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 (see
Westfälischer Friede), attitudes towards the Jews were determined by
the sovereign princes of the newly instituted particularist Empire.
In the
Aufklärung of the late 18th c. a debate about the civil rights of Jews
was stimulated by a treatise Über die bürgerliche
Verbesserung der Juden published in 1781 by Christian Wilhelm Dohm, a
Prussian civil servant. Enlightened support of religious tolerance,
expressed in Lessing's
Nathan der Weise (1778) with its exemplary portrayal of the
civilized Jew Nathan, was given political substance in Austria in 1782 in
the ‘Toleranzpatent’ of
Joseph II. So began a process of assimilation culminating in the
granting of equal civil rights in the constitution of 1867; in Prussia the
equivalent step was taken in 1869 and was enshrined in the German
constitution of 1871.
From the 1840s, however, anti-Semitism had begun to take root as a
political idea; in the Austro-Hungarian empire especially, political
anti-Semitism began to grow during and just after the 1848 Revolution (see
Revolutionen 1848-9). It developed in parallel with the growth of
German nationalism, as is reflected in Gustav Freytag's novel
Soll und Haben (1855), and gathered strength as a result of the
financial crisis of the early 1870s (see
Gründerzeit). A landmark in the development of a systematic racialist
ideology was the publication in 1881 of Die Judenfrage
als Racen-, Sitten- und Kulturfrage by Eugen Dühring, a professor at
Berlin University. Other notable exponents include the historian H.
von Treitschke and Wilhelm Marr: Der Sieg des
Judenthums über das Germanenthum. Vom nicht confessionellen Standpunkt aus
betrachtet (1879); the term ‘anti-Semitism’ is generally thought to
derive from his study on Semitismus (1879). From
the 1890s, anti-Semitism was increasingly linked with German expansionist
ambitions, propagated by the Right, notably by the
Alldeutscher Verband (founded in 1891), by H.
Class, and by Houston Stewart
Chamberlain, who from 1889 lived in Vienna, published
Die Grundlagen des 19. Jahrhunderts in 1899, and on
his marriage to the daughter of R.
Wagner in 1908 settled in Bayreuth. His work was particularly
exploited by the National Socialists, who in 1939-40 published the 5th
edition of the German version of J. A. Gobineau's Essai
sur l'inégalité des races humaines (4 vols., 1853-5) which influenced
Chamberlain and others. By 1893 the members of the Reichstag included 16
anti-Semites, whose views were strongly rejected by the
SPD. There were parallel developments in Austria, especially in
Vienna, where the increase in the Jewish population (mainly a result of
immigration from the east of the Dual Monarchy), coupled with resentment
arising from the stock exchange crash of 1873, fuelled anti-Semitic
feeling. The growth of political anti-Semitism is associated especially
with two figures, both originally Liberals. One was Georg von Schönerer,
who was indirectly influenced by Dühring. He became leader in 1879 of the
Austrian pan-Germans (Deutschnationale), whose nationalist ‘Linz programme’
of 1882 was augmented by an anti-Semitic clause (‘Arierparagraph’) in
1885, advocating the elimination of ‘Jewish influence’ in every sphere of
public life (‘die Beseitigung des jüdischen Einflusses auf allen Gebieten
des öffentlichen Lebens’). The second was Karl
Lueger, the Christian Social mayor of Vienna at the turn of the
century, whose party was behind the foundation in 1898 of the
Kaiserjubiläums-Stadttheater, which functioned for five seasons as an
‘Aryan’ theatre featuring exclusively ‘Christian’ (that is, non-Jewish)
authors and actors.
Anti-Semitism, the role of which in the currency of Viennese political and
intellectual life is captured in Schnitzler's
Professor Bernhardi (1912), developed against a background in
which Jewish influence in Vienna was especially strong in finance, the
legal profession, the theatre, and the press—a concentration of influence
recognized as a problem by
Wassermann in his account Mein Weg als Deutscher
und Jude. It was partly in reaction to the virulence of anti-Semitism
in Austria that in 1896
Herzl, who had been in Paris during the Dreyfus case as correspondent
for the Liberal Viennese daily Die Neue Freie Presse,
published Der Judenstaat, rejecting assimilation
and advancing the idea of a separate Jewish state; and it was in Vienna
that
Hitler, who spent most of the years 1908-13 there, absorbed the
political legacy of Schönerer and Lueger and learnt the strident jargon of
anti-Semitism from the right-wing press, from which a dramatist such as
Schnitzler was constantly subjected to scurrilous abuse. In Germany an
anti-Semitic view of literary history was propagated by Adolf
Bartels, who expressed his concern that Berlin had become a Jewish
theatre city, dependent on Jewish writers, actors, producers, and
managers. What he was referring to was in fact one of the most creative
periods in the theatre history of the city, dominated by Otto
Brahm and Max
Reinhardt, both men of Jewish descent.
After Germany's defeat in the 1914-18 War, when former officers, headed by
General
Ludendorff, joined forces with nationalists of the extreme right,
there was another upsurge of anti-Semitism in Germany. The murder of
Walther
Rathenau in 1922 took place just when Hitler was drafting his
programme for his new party, the
NSDAP. Various other nationalistic associations and the German
Christlichsoziale Partei also propagated anti-Semitism; but Hitler's
ideology, expounded in
Mein Kampf (1925-6), was unique in its virulent combination of
racism with expansionist nationalism. His political argument proceeded
from what was one of the standing clichés in anti-Semitic journalism in
Vienna, the myth of an international Jewish conspiracy aiming at
world-wide domination. In the Austria of the early 1920s one of the
targets of anti-Semitic criticism was the Salzburg Festival (see
Salzburger Festspiele), whose presiding genius was Reinhardt, and
which in National Socialist eyes represented an alien rival to the
celebration of Wagner in the Bayreuth Festival.
In 1934 Hitler entrusted the education of party members and officials to
the party ideologist, Alfred Rosenberg, whose programmatic work
Der Mythos des 20. Jahrhunderts had appeared in
1930. Condemned to death at the Nuremberg Trials, he was executed in 1946.
Others responsible for the implementation of Hitler's policy, all early
supporters who shared his fanatical racism, included H.
Göring, H.
Himmler, and J.
Goebbels. As propaganda minister Goebbels assumed wide-ranging
authority over the press, education, and all cultural institutions,
including the theatre. He authorized the public burning of books in Berlin
and elsewhere from March 1933; this was directed against all opponents of
National Socialism, but mainly against Jewish writers. The legal framework
for his control over cultural and literary life was provided by the
Reichskulturkammergesetz (22.9.1933), which brought everyone working in
the field of culture under a single authority headed by Goebbels. The
Reichskulturkammer was subsequently organized into sections for literature
(Schriftstellergesetz, 4.10.1933), theatre, the press, film, visual arts,
etc., and imposed a systematic ‘Aryanization’ of cultural life. In May
1937 Goebbels opened an exhibition of so-called degenerate art in Munich,
which included works by non-Jews known for their sympathies with Jewish
artists (see
Entartete Kunst). He also took an active interest in the film
industry. New productions included tendentious pseudo-historical films,
the most odious being Jud Süß (1940, on Süß-Oppenheimer,
unconnected with Feuchtwanger's novel of the same title). The compulsory
distribution of this film throughout Germany and the occupied territories
coincided with the beginnings of the darkest chapter in the history of
German anti-Semitism, the planned mass murder of the Jewish population,
referred to by the regime as the ‘Final Solution’ (Endlösung).
Some authors had already emigrated by the time the NSDAP came to power;
many followed them into exile (see
Exilliteratur), though emigration became increasingly difficult,
especially after 1938. The exclusion of everyone of Jewish descent from
cultural and intellectual life affected all professional classes,
universities, research institutions, hospitals, and the judiciary. Whole
areas of cultural and artistic life, first in Germany, and after the
Anschluß in March 1938 (see
Österreich) in Austria also, were deprived of most of their leading
talents (e.g. satirical cabaret, which had been dominated by Jewish
artists). Within German-speaking Europe one institution that functioned as
a refuge for Jewish and left-wing exiles and continued as an independent
centre of theatrical culture throughout the 1939-45 War was the
Schauspielhaus in
Zurich.
In Germany discrimination against the rights of Jews, in accordance with
NSDAP policy since 1920, was sealed by the Nuremberg Laws (15.9.1935) and
extended to Austria following the Anschluß in 1938. Intimidation,
hooliganism, and damage to Jewish property became the norm, ignored by the
police, and culminating in the pogrom during the night of 9-10 November
1938 (see
Kristallnacht). A relentless series of further laws deprived the Jews
of their remaining rights, property, and livelihood; many had to endure
forced labour. Systematic deportation followed, including the Jewish
population of the occupied countries, as well as of Hungary, Romania, and
Bulgaria, whose regimes collaborated with Hitler. At the mercy of the
brutality of the SS, the victimized Jews had to live in overcrowded
ghettoes (Łódź, Warsaw) and concentration camps, where countless men,
women, and children perished, the vast majority of whom were Jewish.
Horrific mass murder was institutionalized in death camps, among them
Auschwitz, the symbol of the Holocaust. Survivors, liberated by Allied
troops, have related unimaginable suffering as well as individual acts of
courage. Organized resistance in Warsaw and in Germany was countered by
terror and reprisals (see
Resistance Movements). A combination of exile and death reduced the
Jewish population of Austria from 300, 000 to 11, 000; in Berlin, where in
1933 there had been 160, 000 practising Jews (55, 000 of whom were killed
in concentration camps), there were only some 8, 000 after the war.
‘Nach Auschwitz kann man nicht dichten’ (Adorno).
But the atrocities of the Hitler era have haunted German literature since
1945, outstanding treatments ranging from Max Frisch's challenging play
Andorra (1961) to the most celebrated of all post-war poems in the
language, ‘Todesfuge’ (1948) by Paul
Celan. Jurek
Becker is among those representing the perceptions of a new
generation. From about the 1980s a number of writers who identify
themselves as Jewish have emerged in Germany, as well as a number of
magazines of specifically Jewish interest. The small Jewish community in
Germany is being reinforced by immigrants from Russia, so that
Jewish-German dialogue looks set to continue. (See also
Yiddish.)